Overcoming child poverty, with the future in mind

Overcoming child poverty, with the future in mind

By Peter Winsley, December 2016

 

Child poverty in New Zealand can be defined as an economic and sociological state that impedes children reaching their full potential.

Poverty in New Zealand is relative not absolute.  Compared to other developed countries, New Zealand has good material consumption levels and inequality is not extreme (Grimes & Hyland, 2015a, 2015b; Perry, 2016).

In dynamic economies inequality is associated with high social mobility.  It should reflect meritocracy, not impermeable class barriers.  It should see people connected to the same country and its journey through history, rather than divide people.

High inequality is not a problem if the social mobility traffic stream is moving forward.  Problems arise when the traffic becomes grid-locked.  Inequality then becomes entrenched and frustrates expectations people have that life will get better.  Child deprivation results from entrenched inequality, and perpetuates it into future generations.

This in turn can lead to socio-economic class segmentation and conflict.  Norman Kirk once said people “don’t ask for much: someone to love, somewhere to live, somewhere to work, and something to hope for”.  Without social mobility as “something to hope for”, people become alienated as they see fair society narratives ringing hollow, implicit contracts dishonoured, and trust in institutions decaying.

“Social class” is a self-defeating term in meritocratic societies with high social mobility.  It is a descriptive term where economic stagnation, corporate and capital owner welfare and poor childhood environments impede mobility.

Class barriers can erode New Zealand’s fair society narrative and implicit social contract.  This narrative and contract assume people can reach their full potential if they behave in certain ways, and there is a supportive environment.  They delineate the rights and responsibilities of individuals, society and government.  From these are derived laws and social norms.

Child deprivation damages health, learning, and leads to benefit dependency and crime.  When people fail to reach their potential, New Zealand forgoes productivity gains, cultural achievements and community.  Deprivation hurts us today, and its longer-term effects harm future generations.  Addressing it effectively at the right lifecycle stages delivers exceptional returns.  Why then is New Zealand as a society making so little progress on reducing child poverty?

Why are we making so little progress in reducing child poverty?

Reducing child poverty is impeded by:

Denial of key issues

 Key issues are denied through opaque or vapid language, or silence.  Since language is the medium of thought, this corrupts our ability to see issues clearly, and to think them through.

Examples include denial of the importance of family structure, that cognitive ability is partly heritable, that poverty degrades parental competencies, and that some cultural behaviours cause deprivation.  There is a tacit ban on the term “social class”.

We deny the realities that some people will not learn from mistakes, that some are incapable of parenting, and that most child deprivation would disappear in a generation if people decide only to have children they will love, nurture, and can afford.

 Failure to distinguish between situational and cultural deprivation

Child deprivation in developed countries can be considered as either situational or cultural, though there are inter-relationships between the two.  Situational deprivation is effort-independent.  It arises from events beyond individual control.  These include downturns leading to job loss, changes in unavoidable costs such as housing, food or energy, or unexpected health problems.  People are prepared to help others overcome situational deprivation.

Cultural deprivation is closely-related to individual effort, or lack of it. It results from bad parenting, poor values, weak self-control, and denial of personal responsibility.  People are reluctant to help others manage this deprivation.

People innately sympathise with the situationally-deprived.  Support for social welfare systems depends on whether people are perceived to be trying or not, and whether outcomes are effort-independent or not (Petersen et al, 2012).

There is an innate lack of sympathy for those whose plight is self-authored.  The mind has modules for cheater detection and punishment.  We innately resent free-riding and paying for the costs of other’s negligence, laziness, or weak self-control.  It may also be rational to oppose resource transfers to those who will make poor use of them.

Insufficient distinction between today’s deprivation and avoiding it in future

To tolerate or reward poor parenting allows the behaviour to continue, get worse, and persist inter-generationally.  However, it is morally bereft not to address today’s child deprivation, since children are dependent on adult care.

The public policy challenge is ensuring children have the best opportunities in life, without reinforcing poor parenting.  For example, sanctions such as conditional obligations may be tough on parents, but they must not harm children.

Today’s child poverty must be addressed differently to how future deprivation is avoided.  This means intervention must address today’s challenges, while creating incentives that shape a better future.

Deviation from socially productive resource allocation

Market workings can be subverted by those in powerful positions influencing policy and regulatory frameworks.  This leads for example to policies that are pro-business rather than pro-market.  It is associated with private capture of rents, and socialisation of losses.

The regulatory machinery, tax and property rights regimes can disconnect economic rewards from people’s real, socially valuable productivity contributions.  For example, teachers are as skilled as Wall Street bankers and are more socially valuable, but are paid much less.  Teachers do not cause macroeconomic crises, and when they fail they are dismissed, not bailed out.

Globalisation and technological change are welfare-enhancing so long as economic growth and returns on human capital are broadly dispersed and exceed returns on concentrated physical and financial capital.  However, “trickle-down” policies and regulatory capture allow privileged people to turn income streams into concentrated physical and financial capital that amplifies their advantage and creates barriers to social mobility.

Corporate welfare, business environmental free-riding, weak regulation of financial markets, of building quality and of workplace safety, regulatory barriers to new business entries, and restrictions on new housing developments have typically favoured capital owners, at others’ expense.  Largely middle class students have captured the benefits of interest-free student loans, depriving the school system of resources and impeding higher education access for many from poor backgrounds.

High-performing economies require human, financial and other resources being directed to socially useful effort that benefits people, and at the right life stages.  This applies to government services, as well as to businesses delivering value to customers.

Value destruction results from ignoring this principle.  The 2008 financial crisis partly resulted from banking system “innovation” that involved profit not service maximisation.  It was exacerbated by government-mandated lending policies, and a failure to track property right transactions in a publicly visible way.

Product market companies such as Apple and Big Pharma businesses engaged in tax arbitrage, financialised their businesses through share buy-back and other activities, and ignored their product lines and customers (see Lazonick, 2014, 2015).  This reduced innovation and productivity growth investment and led to massive output loss.  Housing purchases focused on speculative gains, rather than on expanding housing supply.

Addressing child poverty means being supportive of well-regulated markets that allocate resources effectively, and for socially beneficial purposes.

Proposed ways forward

 Ways forward for public policy depend on guiding principles.

These are that children’s interests are paramount, and in a fair society all can reach their potential.  An individual child’s interests must prevail over ethnic, religious, cultural, kin or political identities and ideologies.  This may mean overriding group ideologies relating, for example, to female education, blood transfusion, or child custody transfers between kin and non-kin groups.

Children should not suffer for societal or parental failings.  Government should reinforce good parenting through services it provides and incentives it creates.  Parents have primary responsibility for children’s well-being, and they have obligations as well as rights.  Lifting children out of deprivation should not reinforce parenting harmful for children.

Addressing child poverty requires a multi-partisan strategy.  This must be developed within a social cost-benefit rather than accounting frame.  It must form part of an economic growth strategy with widely-shared benefits.  The focus must be elevating the bottom and middle through productivity growth and new opportunities, rather than redistribution within a static zero sum game.

Investing in children can be delivered in ways that lift savings and capital formation rates.  It can reduce crime and other social costs.  It is associated with intergenerational transmission of education.  It can counter the economic effects of an ageing population, address secular stagnation, lift future productivity and increase labour market participation.  In short, our children are our future and are the best of all possible investments.

Specifically, two distinct but complementary strategies are proposed.  One addresses today’s deprived children, whether victims of situational, effort-independent variance, or cultural, effort-dependent variance.  It ameliorates deprivation through services best delivered by government, rather than by families themselves, while avoiding crowding out individual responsibility.

This strategy should invest in beneficiaries’ children on similar terms as those of working parent’s.  Welfare to work strategies are good policy, and mechanisms such as in-work tax credits can have positive health as well as economic benefits (see Muennig et al, 2016).  However, children’s interests are paramount and so links between work, tax advantages and other incentives should not be punitive.  Therefore, resources delivered to non-working beneficiaries’ children should directly benefit children, and not reward parental disengagement from work.

This strategy needs to be reinforced by asymmetrical paternalism.  This can benefit those suffering from bounded rationality and weak self-control, without imposing costs on others.  Examples include contract “cooling off” periods, and framing of business promotions in ways facilitating informed consumer choices.

The second strategy focuses on avoiding future deprivation.  This includes changing the calculus of parenting decisions in ways that avoid children being born into cultural deprivation in future.  It includes a capability development approach to grow individuals’ future wealth-creating capabilities, rather than social welfare transfers to subsidise consumption.  This aims to lift productivity through expanded human and other wealth-creating capital formation.

Interventions for today’s deprived children

 Poverty degrades parental capabilities, leaving child development deficits that public interventions can address efficiently.  Children are resilient to some deprivations, such as poor clothing and few holidays and entertainments.  They are highly vulnerable to other deprivations, such as epigenetic risks and respiratory illnesses.

Interventions must be precisely targeted to where they can make the biggest difference.  Key interventions include:

 Investing early and at the right points in children’s cognitive and social development

Poverty causes stress, and can have biochemical effects on child development (see Gluckman, 2009; Gunnar & Quevedo, 2007).  Children from stressful backgrounds can suffer from under-development of the prefrontal executive system and the brain’s language system (Noble et al, 2007; Farah et al, 2006).  This harms working memory, task planning and impulse control, with low executive function especially harmful for self-regulation.

Early development of executive function shapes language abilities and predicts later academic achievement (Blair & Diamond, 2008).  Language ability is critical, and high vocabulary correlates with real work ability (Hirsch, 2013).  Low socio-economic status is associated with around 30% of variance in language ability (Noble et al, 2007).

Child cognitive and non-cognitive skills diverge at early stages between families of different permanent income (Heckman & Mosso, 2014).  At least 50% of the variability of lifetime earnings is due to attributes determined by age 18 (Heckman & Mosso, 2014).  Cross-fostering studies suggest that around 50% of IQ disparity in children is experiential (Capron & Duyme, 1989).

Cognitive skills are largely formed by around eight to ten years old, and the ability to change human neural circuitry is highest early in life and decreases with time (Knudsen et al, 2006).  Investing early in children avoids poverty damaging cognitive and non-cognitive development.  Cognitive ability and soft skill development can be improved through early intervention at key life-stages (Heckman & Mosso, 2014; Heckman & Kautz, 2012).

There are excellent returns from high quality early childhood education (Doyle et al, 2009).  Advances in neuroscience, psychology and sociology, and growing data analytical capabilities, can allow interventions to be targeted effectively.

There is no equity-efficiency trade-off in investing in the capabilities of young children from low socio-economic backgrounds.  However, adult education programmes to remediate earlier educational neglect produce poor results for most individuals (Knudsen et al, 2006).

Deal with failures in information, construal and response

Information failings underlie child poverty.  These relate to complex epigenetic, pre-natal, child development, education and socialisation knowledge, through to nutritional understanding and financial literacy.

Government has a key role in some specialised knowledge-intensive services.  Examples include diagnosing and treating health issues and learning disorders, helping people navigate educational processes, and delivering financial literacy programmes.

Government can regulate framing and choice architecture to make information construable and likely to be acted on (see Kahneman & Tversky (eds), 2000).  Low cost psychological interventions can enhance aspiration for those from low income families (Yeager & Walton, 2011).  The evidence suggests that cognitive performance is not a fixed resource, and it can be expanded if people believe it can be.

 Focus on female education

Better educated parents and especially mothers have healthier children.  A mother’s education is a key determinant of children’s later achievement and life prospects (Currie & Moretti, 2003).

Policy settings mean that for young, poorly educated females having children gives income and a social status.  A transition from school to motherhood can appear attractive compared to unemployment or minimum wage, casual work.

Engaging young females in education builds their capabilities, flowing through to higher aspirations.  It also delays fertility to an age when people have higher self-awareness and self-control.  This is when better decisions are made on whether to have children, how many, and what obligations this entails.

Uplifting female education has transformative multi-generational impacts, thereby bridging today’s needs and tomorrow’s opportunities.

 Focus on children’s health

 This means free and accessible children’s health care, with a strong early stage and preventive orientation.  It includes timely intervention to address such “third world” illnesses as rheumatic fever.  It means that no smoking or drug abuse become fundamental lifestyle tenets.

Healthy diet must become a habit rather than an exception.  Good diet is a parental, not a state responsibility.  Breakfast programmes run by businesses or social agencies reinforce parental irresponsibility and the deprivation it gives rise to.

Government’s role is to ensure people have good nutritional understanding, and to nudge them to act on it.  This is an informational role, and may require regulatory intervention, for example through sugar drink taxes.  Government might also support cost-recovery school lunch programmes where parents are time-scarce and have poor nutritional understanding.

Children’s health also means healthy, quality, affordable housing.

 Housing

Piketty (2014) hypothesised rising economic returns accruing to capital compared to labour.  However, much of the evidence reflects housing ownership and higher imputed rents to home owners, rather than entrepreneurship, venture capital or new wealth-creating endeavours (La Cava, 2016).  Wilkinson & Jeram (2016) also highlighted the impact housing prices have had on inequality and deprivation.

Housing must be seen more as a foundation for life, family and bringing up children in a good environment, rather than as a store of wealth or a speculative investment.

Reducing regulatory restrictions on housing supply would expand affordable housing stock and reduce deprivation.  It would make it easier for people to move from low to higher productivity regions, delivering a productivity and incomes dividend.

Social housing development should replicate the housing conditions of well-functioning families, including household stability.  There is room for social housing innovation for middle class New Zealanders, as well as for the lower income.

 A social housing model could be developed based on permanent leases with rents set on a fixed ratio to the cost of rates.  This could promote secure tenure for families within a predictable rental band, without requiring home ownership.  It could foster similar household stability to that which home owners enjoy.  It would give tenants an incentive to participate in local government elections to ensure value for money for rates-funded services.

Unlike home ownership, a permanent tenure social housing model would not act as a store of wealth that could be liquidated.  However, tenants/leaseholders would have similar tenure stability as home owners.  Such a model would allow individuals to invest more in the productive sector, such as through entrepreneurial and equity investments, rather than invest in inflating the price of a fixed housing stock.

 Removing temptations and stresses from the financially and time-poor

George Orwell in Road to Wigan Pier, and economists such as Mullainathan & Shafir (2013) noted how poverty degrades self-control and rational behaviour.

Energy, time and computational ability are scarce resources that can be depleted. Rich and poor people have the same basic psychology.  However, poorer people’s self-control is more depleted because of the greater stresses they face, rather than because of moralistic failings.

Poorer people have fewer margins for error, and face worse consequences when self-control fails.  More automatic behaviours demand less self-control than active choices (Baumeister et al, 1998).  Under stress, people can “downshift” and rely on automatic responses rather than rational decision-making.  Poorer people may face unexpected repair, health or other unbudgeted expenses that wealthy people can easily handle, but which can push deprived households further into difficulty.

Interventions can reduce the space within which poorer people make bad decisions.  They can remove temptations that erode self-control.  The approach is to “tie Odysseus to the mast”.  Fresh food-free zones can be replaced with junk food-free zones around schools.  Pokie machines, fringe lenders and food trucks can be banned from vulnerable neighbourhoods.  This means they will disappear, as they cannot survive in self-determining places.

Avoiding deprivation in future generations

Key interventions include:

 Fostering responsible decisions on parenting and family structures

Large families were associated historically with high infant mortality, old age insecurity, patriarchal control, religious and traditional strictures and poor education.

Family size has declined as a result of better education, lower child mortality rates, enhanced women’s rights, and changing cultural and religious beliefs.

We now have universal sex education and access to birth control.  High quality health care, housing and nutrition have dramatically reduced infant mortality.  Superannuation, ACC and other safety nets reduce adult dependence on children’s support.

Fewer children mean more can be invested in their education and capability development, removing deprivation risk.  Having children is a choice.  Having a large family reflects recurring choice, with the consequences becoming increasingly obvious.  It is a fundamental obligation for parents to have only those children they can nurture to their full potential.

High fertility in low income families now largely reflects poor decision-making capabilities, and vertical transmission of behaviours through deprived families, not rational choices and responses to horizontal learning from wider sources (see Zakharenko, 2016).

Some people are incapable of good parenting, yet they still have children without being held accountable for the resulting deprivation.  Where past behaviour predicts likely future bad outcomes then there is no longer a moral right to have children.  Some potentially capable parents fail because of weak obligations on them to treat parenting as their most fundamental human responsibility.  Their behaviour can change in response to high societal obligations, and to conditionality in government services and resource transfers.

Society must encourage the right parental understanding and decision making on fertility and parental obligations.  These go beyond legal obligations.  They mean active, concerted parenting, not just meeting basic needs and then leaving children to their own devices.

Currently, disengaged parenting and child neglect are “sins of omission”, while child abuse is a “sin of commission”.  Child neglect through passive and disengaged parenting should be progressively reframed as a sin of commission.  We will know we have succeeded when we no longer see children and young people hanging around unaccompanied, lacking parental guidance or other mentorship.

Society can augment parental capabilities and enrich children’s lives through expanding green and public space and cultural services.  These influence positively the environment in which children develop.  Their non-rivalry and openness to all encourages wide public support for their provision.

Family structure is a key determinant in child well-being.  Many children are born without a formal family structure being in place.  Mitchell (2016) noted that the proportion of children born to married couples fell from 95% to 53% between 1961 and 2015.  Between 1968 and 2015 the proportion of Maori children born to married parents fell from 72% to 21%.  Around 51% of children in poverty live in single parent households.

Fundamental in psychology is the importance of symbolic and substantive commitment devices that force parties to think about their obligations and which pose a psychic cost to reneging on them.  Moral commitment is needed to engaged parenting and to family structures that support good childhoods.

A marriage is a commitment with legal standing, symbolic power and moral heft.  Marriage breakups, single parent and blended households may not be damaging to children when parents are educated, responsible, and in good financial shape.  They can lead to child deprivation when parents have weaker capabilities.  While many marriages will fail, commitment to a socially and legally mandated family structure will reduce child deprivation.

Reductions in corporate and special interest group welfare

Rent-seeking behaviours, special interest groups and the regulatory barriers that entrench them create private but not social value.

Business and capital owner welfare must be challenged.  Wilkinson & Jeram (2016) cite the one billion dollar bail-out of South Canterbury Finance.  Rose (2014) also sought to quantify corporate welfare.  Some income support can subsidise employers and keep downwards pressure on wages.  There is significant non-compliance with minimum employment conditions in some sectors.

New Zealand is rightly an open society with a permissive immigration system that welcomes diversity.  However a factor in low skill migration is business owners wanting cheap labour, and home owners and landlords wanting housing price inflation and higher rents.  Immigration could focus on the highly skilled and innovative, and for humanitarian reasons on refugees whose motivation to do better compensates for any language or skill deficits.

Rising house prices and rental costs have exacerbated effort-independent child deprivation.  Removing barriers to new housing developments would make a huge dent in child deprivation.  Funding for accommodation supplements should be used to expand housing supply, not to subsidise landlords and indirectly inflate property prices.

These issues require changed policy settings that avoid corporate and capital owner welfare, and improve resource allocation.

Shifting from social welfare transfers to capability development

Social welfare transfers that maintain consumption rather than expand capabilities effectively keep people in poverty.

Addressing cultural (as opposed to situational) deprivation with income transfers erodes personal responsibility and makes people passive.  Dependency-based welfare can make life devoid of meaning, leading to higher morbidity, suicide rates and other social ills than in less developed countries.

Subsidies for consumption without reciprocal obligations guarantee child deprivation.  They should be replaced progressively by an education, capability development and asset creation approach to children’s development.  The aim is to avoid deprived childhoods turning into deprived adulthoods.

The best way to reduce child deprivation is to lift economy-wide productivity.  Investing in children must be a part of economic growth strategy.  It needs to benefit the wider society as well as individual children.  In the same way, compulsory savings can help to both lift individual net worth and create investment capital to drive economy-wide growth.

Children could have vested in them at birth an account to be used only for their capability development.  Eligible expenditures might include early child through to tertiary education costs, health expenditures, home ownership, investment assets, and net worth enhancement.

Child poverty discourse largely excludes net worth, though recent work (Chapple et al, 2015) is starting to address this.  Net worth creates financial leverage and supports self-determining mind-sets.  Holding assets is associated with better socio-economic outcomes (Brynner & Paxton, 2001) and with children’s educational attainment (Zhan & Sherraden, 2003).

Child capability development accounts could serve wider purposes such as macroeconomic stability, smoothing out lifecycle incomes, and fostering retirement saving.  These accounts could be universal, with government and other contributions being weighted to the poor.

Capability development accounts would expand human and investment capital.  By lifting future earnings capacity and net worth they would be a form of pre-distribution rather than re-distribution.  They could therefore be core to a strategy to reduce inequality.

A capability development strategy can attract multi-partisan support, since education and capital asset formation contribute to higher productivity and therefore wider societal benefits.  Crucially, it means investment in children’s capabilities, not subsidies for parental consumption.

We will see optimum investment in deprived children when it is seen to benefit all, and when it reinforces the right parental behaviours.  Failing these, child deprivation will persist, get worse, and degrade opportunity and our fair society narrative even further.

 Bibliography and references

Arnold, D; Doctoroff, G. 2003: The early education of socioeconomically disadvantaged children.  Annual Review of Psychology 54: 517-45.

Banerjee, A. Mullainathan, S: Limited Attention and Income Distribution.  AEA Session “Psychology and Development: Theory and Experimental Evidence”.

Baumeister, R. et al 2005: Social exclusion impairs self-regulation.  Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Vol 88 (4) 589-604.

Baumeister, R.; Bratslavsky, M.; Muraven, M. Tice, D. 1998: Ego depletion: Is the active self a limited resource? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74 (5): 1252-65.

Bertrand, M.; Mullainathan, S.; Shafir, E. 2004: A Behavioral Economics View of Poverty. American Economic Review 94 (2): 419-23.

Black, S.; Devereux, P. 2011: Recent developments in intergenerational mobility.  In D. Card and O. Ashenfelter (eds.)  Handbook of Labor Economics., Vol 4, Part B, Chapter 16, pp. 1487-1541.  Amsterdam and New York: Elsevier.

Black, S.; Devereux, P.; Salvanes, K. 2003: Why the apple doesn’t fall far: understanding intergenerational transmission of human capital.  NBER Working Paper 10066.

Blair, C.; Diamond, A. 2008: Biological processes in prevention and intervention: the promotion of self-regulation as a means of preventing school failure.  Development and Psychopathology 20, 899-911.

Boston, J.; Chapple, S. 2015: The Child Poverty Debate: Myths, misconceptions and misunderstandings.  Wellington, Bridget Williams Books.

Boston, J.; Chapple, S. 2014: Child Poverty in New Zealand.  Wellington, Bridget Williams Books.

Boston, J. 2013: Improving educational performance: Why tackling child poverty must be part of the solution.  Institute for Governance and Policy Studies, Victoria University of Wellington.

Bynner, J. Paxton, W. 2001: The Asset Effect.  London, Institute for Public Policy Research.

Capron, C.; Duyme, M. 1989: Assessment of effects of socio-economic status on IQ in a full cross-fostering study.  Nature, 340, 552-554.

Caspi, A., Wright, B.R., Moffitt, T.E., Silva, P.A. 1998: Early failure in the labor market: Childhood and adolescent predictors of unemployment in the transition to adulthood. American Sociological Review, 1998, 63(63), 424-451.

Chapple, S.; Hogan, S.; Milne, B.; Poulton, R.; Ramrakha, S. 2015: Wealth inequality among New Zealand’s Generation X.  Policy Quarterly, Vol. 11, Issue 1. pp 73-78.

Clarke, J., Kim, B., Poulton, R., Milne, B.J. 2006: The role of low expectations in health and education investment and hazardous consumption. Canadian Journal of Economics, 2006, 39(39), 1151-1172.

Cunha, F.; Heckman, J. 2009: The economics and psychology of inequality and human development. Journal of the European Economic Association. 7 (2-3): 320-364.

Cunha, F.; Heckman, J. 2008: Formulating, identifying and estimating the technology of cognitive and non-cognitive skill formation.  J. Human Res. 43 (4) , 738-782.

Currie, J.; Moretti, E. 2003:  Mothers’ education and the intergenerational transmission of human capital: Evidence from college openings.  Quarterly Journal of Economics (2003) 118 (4): 1495-1532.

Cutler, D. et al 2008: Socio-economic status and health: Dimensions and mechanisms.  NBER working Paper 14333.

Dale, M. C.; O’Brien, M.; St John, S. (eds) 2014: Our children, our choice: priorities for policy.  Auckland, Child Poverty Action Group.

Deci, E. Ryan, R. 1985: Intrinsic motivation and self-determination in human behavior.  New York, Penguin.

Doyle, O.; Harmon, C.; Heckman, J.; Tremblay, R. 2009: Investing in early human development: Timing and economic efficiency.  Economics and Human Biology 7: 1-6.

Duckworth, A. et.al. 2005: Self-discipline outdoes IQ in predicting academic performance of adolescents.  Psychological Science Vol. 16 Issue 12, pp. 939-944.

Farah, M. et al 2006: Childhood poverty: specific associations with neurocognitive development.  Brain Research 1110:166-174.

Fergusson, D. et al 2008: The transmission of social inequality: Examination of the linkages between family socio-economic status in childhood and educational achievement in young adulthood.  Research in Social Stratification Mobility.  Vol 26, Issue 3: 277-295.

Fernald, A.; Marchman, V.A.; Weisler, A. 2013: SES differences in language processing skill and vocabulary are evident at 18 months.  Developmental Science 16 (2): 234-248.

Friedman, B. 2006: The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth.  Society January/February pp: 15-22.

Fuller, R.W. 2006: All rise.  Somebodies, nobodies and the politics of dignity.  San Francisco, Berrett-Koehler Publishers.

Gintler, D. Pollak, R 2004: Family structure and childrens’ educational outcomes: Blended families, stylised facts and descriptive regressions.  Demography 41 (4). 671- 696.

Gluckman, P. 2009: Growing old before you are born. Dialogue, Newsletter of the Liggins Institute.

Gluckman, P.; Hanson, M. 2006: Mismatch.  Oxford University Press.

Grimes, A.; Hyland, S. 2015a: The material wellbeing of New Zealand households. Motu Note #21.  Wellington, Motu Economic and Public Policy Research.

Grimes, A.; Hyland, S. 2015b: A New Cross-Country Measure of Material Wellbeing and Inequality: Methodology, Construction and Results.  Motu Working Paper 15-09.  Motu Economic and Public Policy Research.

Gunnar, M.; Quevedo, K. 2007: The neurobiology of stress and development.  In S Fiske (Ed.) Annual Review of Psychology, 58: 145-174.

Hancox, R. J., Milne, B.J., Poulton, R. 2005: Association of television viewing during childhood with poor educational achievement. Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine, 2005, 159(159), 614-618.

Heckman, J.; Kautz, T. 2012: Hard evidence on soft skills. Lab. Econ. 19:4, pp. 451-464.

Heckman, J.; Mosso, S. 2014:  The economics of human development and social mobility.  Working Paper 19925, NBER.

Hirsch, E. 2013.  A Wealth of Words.  City Journal Winter 2013.

Kahneman, D. 2011: Thinking fast and slow.  New York, Farrar, Straus and Giroux.

Kahneman, D.; Knetsch, J.; Thaler, R.  1991: The endowment effect, loss aversion, and status quo bias.  Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol 5, No 1, Winter 1991: pp. 193-206.

Kahneman D, Tversky, A (ed) 2000: Choices, values and frames.  Cambridge University Press, Russell Sage Foundation.

Knudsen, E. Heckman, J.; Cameron, J.; Shonkoff, J. 2006: Economic, neurological, and behavioural perspectives on building America’s future workforce.  PNAS July  2006:  10155-10162.

La Cava, Gianni 2016: Housing prices, mortgage interest rates and the rising share of capital income in the United States.  Reserve Bank of Australia Research Discussion Paper – RDP 2016-04.

Lazonick, W. 2015: Stock buybacks: From retain and reinvest to downsize-and-distribute.  Centre for Effective Public Management at Brookings.

Lazonick, W. 2014: Profits without prosperity.  Harvard Business Review. September 2014 Issue.

Lareau, A 2011: Unequal childhoods: Class, Race and Family Life.  (2nd ed). University of California Press.

Lareau, A., Cox, A. Social class and the transition to adulthood: Differences in parents’ interactions with institutions.  pp 134-164 In M. J. Carlson and P. England (eds): Social class and changing families in an unequal America.  .  Stanford University Press.

Marmot, M. 2004: The status syndrome.  How social status affects our health and longevity.  New York, Times Books.

McAuley, I. 2008: You can see a lot by just looking.  Centre for Policy Development.  Occasional Paper – Number 5.

Melchior, M.; Moffitt, T. E. , Milne, B.J., Poulton, R., Caspi, A. 2007: Why do children from socioeconomically disadvantaged families suffer from poor health when they reach adulthood? A lifecourse study. American Journal of Epidemiology, 2007, 166: 966-974.

Ministerial Committee on Poverty 2016: Government actions to reduce poverty in New Zealand: Report to Ministerial Committee on Poverty March 2016.

Mitchell, L. 2016: Child poverty and family structure: What is the evidence telling us? Family First.

Moffitt, T.E., Arseneault, L. , Belsky, D.W., Dickson, N., Hancox, R. J. , Harrington, H. L., Houts, R., Poulton, R. , Roberts, B.W., Ross, S., Sears, M.R., Thomson, W. M. Caspi, A. 2011: A gradient of childhood self-control predicts health, wealth, and public safety. PNAS (Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the USA), 2011, 108: 2693-2698.

Muennig, P. et al 2016: Cost effectiveness of the earned income tax credit as a health policy investment. American Journal of Preventive Medicine. pp 1-8.

Mullainathan, S.; Shafir, E. 2013: Scarcity: Why having too little means so much.  New York, Times Books.

New Zealand Government 2016: Government actions to reduce poverty in New Zealand: Report to Ministerial Committee on Poverty.

Noble, K.; McCandliss, B.; Farah, M.  2007: Socioeconomic gradients predict individual differences in neurocognitive abilities.  Developmental Science 10: 4, pp 464-480.

Offer, Avner 2006: The challenge of affluence.  Self-control and well-being in the United States and Britain since 1950.  Oxford University Press.

Office of the Children’s Commissioner 2014: Choose kids: Why investing in children benefits all New Zealanders. Wellington, Office of the Children’s Commissioner.

Office of the Children’s Commissioner 2012: Expert Advisory Group on Solutions to Child Poverty. Solutions to Child Poverty in New Zealand: Evidence for Action.

Office of the Prime Minister’s Science Advisory Committee (OPMSAC) 2011: Improving the transition.  Reducing social and psychological morbidity during adolescence.

Perry, B. 2016: The Material Wellbeing of NZ Households: Overview and Key Findings from the 2016 Household Incomes Report and the Companion Report Using Non-Income Measures.  Wellington, Ministry of Social Development.

Petersen, M.; Sznycer, D.; Cosmides, L.; Tooby, J. 2012: Who deserves help?  Evolutionary Psychology, Social Emotions, and Public Opinion about Welfare.  Political Psychology Vol 33, No. 3: 1467-9221.

Piketty, T. 2014: Capital in the Twenty First Century. Cambridge, MA, Belknap Press.

Price, M.; Cosmides, L.; Tooby, J. 2002: Punitive sentiment as an anti-free rider psychological device.  Evolution and Human Behavior 23.  203-231.

Rawls, J. 1971: A Theory of Justice. Harvard University Press.

Rose, J. 2014: The cost of corporate welfare since 2008.  Taxpayers’ Union.

Rossin-Slater, M.; Wust, M. 2016: What is the added value of pre-school?  Long-term impacts and interactions with a health intervention.  NBER Working Paper No. 22700.

Ryan, R.; Deci, E. 2000: Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development and well-being.  American Psychologist.  Vol 55, No 1, 68-78.

Smiley, P.; Dweck, C. 1994: Individual differences in achievement goals among young children.  Child Development 65: 1723-43.

Stain, M (ed) 2016: The US labor market.  Questions and challenges for public policy.  American Enterprise Institute.

Sunstein, C.; Thaler, R. 2008: Nudge: improving decisions about health, wealth, and happiness.  New Haven and London: Yale University Press.

Sunstein C & Thaler R 2003: Libertarian Paternalism is Not an Oxymoron.  University of Chicago.  John M Olin Law & Economics Working Paper No 185.

Tooby, J.; Cosmides, L. 2008: The Evolutionary Psychology of the Emotions and their Relationship to Internal Regulatory Variables.  In: Lewis, M.et al (Eds)  Handbook of Emotions, 3rd Ed. pp 114-137.

Wilkinson, B.; Jeram, J. 2016: The Inequality Paradox: Why inequality matters even though it has barely changed.  Wellington, The New Zealand Initiative.

Wilkinson, R. Pickett, K. 2009: Spirit Level.  Why more equal societies almost always do better.  London, Allen Lane.

Wills, R. 2016: Are we there yet? Five years on the road to addressing child poverty.  Wellington, Office of the Children’s Commissioner.

Yeager, D.; Walton, G. 2011: Social-psychological interventions in education: they’re not magic.  Review of Educational Research Vol 81, No 2: 267-301.

Zakharenko, R. 2016: Nothing else matters: Evolution of preference for social prestige.  Mathematical Social Sciences 2016 No. 80, 58-64.

 

Zhan, M.; Sherraden, M. 1996: Effects of assets on attitudes and behaviors: Advance test of a social policy proposal.  Social Work Research 20 (1), 3-11.

 

 

Advertisements
Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

Maori, identity and socio-economic development

Maori, identity and socio-economic development

By Peter Winsley, July 2016

Introduction

Maori[i] always wanted to do better economically.  Their ancestors migrated to Aoteoroa for a better life.  Their culture rapidly adapted to new technological and institutional opportunities and circumstances.  From earliest European contact Maori sought trade, technology and new institutions to deliver higher incomes, net worth and economic self-determination at the individual and whanau level.

Maori have failed to reach their full potential, partly due to their initial technological and institutional starting point, and the Crown’s failure, largely in the nineteenth century, to fully implement the Waitangi Treaty.  More recently, Maori suffered from labour market change, from policy settings that created passivity and short-termism, from negative stereotypical attitudes, and from flawed narratives and mind-sets relating to education, incomes and net worth.

For Maori to achieve their full socio-economic potential we need to drive off core time-honoured culture and kaupapa which have historically been instrumental in Maori survival.  We need to reject out-dated and self-defeating cultural behaviours, mind-sets and narratives, and foster those relevant to the modern world.  Policy and institutional settings need to support capability-based approaches to socio-economic development at the individual and whanau level.

Maori have made extraordinary socio-economic gains from early European encounters till now.  However these gains have been in absolute terms, and the relative gaps between Maori and other New Zealanders have not been closed.

Because people compare their status with others, rank status inequality has negative health[ii] and other effects, even within communities with high absolute prosperity.  Inequality and people falling short of their potential also erodes social cohesion and reduces net economic welfare.

It is in New Zealand’s wider interests to ensure Maori achieve their full potential and at as high a socio-economic level as their compatriots.

Why are Maori still disadvantaged?

The starting point for Maori was their socio-economic capabilities and institutions in pre-European times, and the culture and mind-sets that grew up around them.

Human societies evolved largely from hunter-gatherer origins through kinship-based tribalism, shaped by limited resources, technologies, and the property rights and institutions governing them.  Ideas, domesticated animals and plants and technologies moved through trade and exchange.  This was especially between east and west along the Eurasian continent, and through other trade routes[iii].  More isolated parts of the world such as the Antipodes had less access to the resources and ideas underlying higher technological levels.

Romantic images of pre-European Maori life would be ridiculed by those that had to live it.  In pre-European times Maori life was hard and short.  Maori infant mortality was around one third to one fifth, and life expectancy from childhood was around thirty.  Many died from degenerative or malnutrition-related illnesses, and from violence.

Through accidents of geography and history Maori had a stone age, oral culture lacking metallurgy, pottery, and the key domesticated crop and animal species available in more technologically-privileged societies.  Bracken fern-root, which is essentially unpalatable became a staple food for survival.  One can only marvel at Maori ingenuity in surviving with so few plant and animal resources and at low technological levels.  Maori endured, and created oral culture and artefacts that testified to their resilience, sustained them culturally, and passed on heritage to the modern world.

Maori development in the nineteenth century was impeded by the Crown failing to implement the Waitangi Treaty in a fair and timely way.  The Treaty is New Zealand’s founding document as a British colony[iv].  It has been a connecting thread within a wider Maori narrative.  This focused on economic self-determination (tino rangitiratanga) at the individual, whanau and collective level.  This involved defending property rights, while also acquiring European technology and institutions.  This concern for economic outcomes was common to all major nineteenth century Maori spiritual, cultural and political leaders.

The Treaty constitutes a Preamble and three Articles.  The Preamble expresses a need for strong government[v] and rule of law, acknowledges immigration and contemplates more.

Article One transfers sovereignty or kawanatanga[vi] (governance) to the British Crown.  Crown sovereignty is exhaustive and indivisible.

Article Two protects Maori property rights at the individual as well as collective level, effectively extending Magna Carta and English common law rights to Maori.  It limits chiefly power by referring to individuals and families, not just chiefs[vii].

Article Three extends to Maori the citizenship rights and obligations of Crown subjects.  It establishes a non-discrimination principle that implies Maori will not be subject to laws that do not apply to non-Maori, and the inverse.  This principle was often not honoured by the Crown.

The Treaty of Waitangi created an equal partnership between Maori and other New Zealanders, not an equal partnership between Maori and the Crown.  All New Zealanders were made subjects of the Crown, with equal rights and privileges.  The Treaty is therefore an open rather than a closed institution, and colour-blind in its universality.

Nineteenth century Treaty breaches largely involved the Crown not being strong enough in preventing conflict between different Maori groups[viii] and Maori not being treated the same as other British subjects.  The Crown also failed to fully enforce Article Two Magna Carta and common law rights, and it engaged in or facilitated unfair or fraudulent land confiscations and sales.

Early conflict between Maori and Pakeha reflected largely cultural and institutional differences and misunderstanding.  Racism damaged Maori from earliest times.  However, it was diluted by high inter-marriage rates, Enlightenment philosophy, education, open Christian institutions, and the gradual emergence of a shared national identity.

Nevertheless, generations of Maori had to put up with subtle or direct insults, stereotypical attitudes, neglect or suppression of culture and language, and patronising and sometimes blatantly racist attitudes.  This does not however explain enduring socio-economic under-performance.  Asian and other minorities have been subject to worse racism than Maori and yet often do better than both Maori and Pakeha.  This suggests a critical role for cultural and family mind-sets as they relate to education and to individual and family advancement.

Maori were affected negatively by some technological and labour market changes.  In the boom times from the end of World War Two to the late 1960s regulation and labour market dynamics compressed wage and salary differentials.  This was egalitarian, however it weakened incentives for higher education[ix] and reduced New Zealand’s microeconomic flexibility and therefore its productivity.

High Maori birth cohorts from the 1950s and 60s[x] meant young people entered the labour market in the 1970s and 80s as conditions were becoming unfavourable to blue collar workers in fields such as manufacturing, meat processing and transportation.  The labour market began to favour the services sector and more highly educated workers.  This made it difficult for young Maori to secure well-paid jobs, start families, and to become home owners.

The lack of male breadwinners who earned enough to support a family led to solo mothers leading households.  Social welfare created passive welfare dependency and made it financially more attractive for poorly educated females to have children supported by the state than to enter the workforce.

Maori socio-economic disadvantage reflected largely problems of social class rather than race or ethnicity.  Research[xi] suggests the mind has modules that recognise cues of possible coalitional relationships, however there are no innate mental modules for race as a discrete coalitional marker.  Race is highly visible but substantively minimal in determining meaningful differences[xii] between people or groups.  Likewise, human psychological universals overwhelm cultural differences.

However, group identity is shaped by how others react to what is visible (even if it is superficial), and how this influences self-identity.  The high salience of Maori identity and the lower salience of class disadvantage led to some diagnosing of race and ethnicity, or the stereotypical attitudes that it triggered, as being causative of poverty.  Some saw cultural revival[xiii] as a solution, some as an entrepreneurial opportunity.

From the 1980s much effort was put into cultural solutions to socio-economic problems.  This involved Maori-centred educational initiatives, devolution of services to Maori providers, Te Reo[xiv] and advocacy of biculturalism.  Such initiatives created new businesses and public service careers based on cultural service, boosted Maori pride[xv], made New Zealand more responsive to Maori, and fostered Maori institutions with deep community linkages.

However, these initiatives sat uneasily with an increasingly multi-cultural and internationalised New Zealand, and diverted resources away from employment, higher education and net worth objectives and the mind-sets needed to fulfil them.

What should we do from now on?

New Zealand has much of the conditions in place for Maori and other New Zealanders to reach their full socio-economic potential.  These include strong and inclusive government and rule of law, and a market and trade betterment-based economy.  New Zealand has effective property rights, civil and political rights, macroeconomic stability and microeconomic flexibility.  It has well-developed civil society.

Given the above, we need to:

Recognise that core Maori culture supports high socio-economic outcomes

Modern cultural-related initiatives have had mixed effects on Maori and may have kept alive tikanga and mindsets that are irrelevant[xvi] and in some cases harmful[xvii].   However, core aspects of time-honoured Maori cultural identity are consistent with the highest socio-economic outcomes and need to be affirmed.  These include:

A willingness to move to where the opportunities are

People’s destinies are shaped, though not always determined by accidents of birth. Maori ancestral migrations came through Asia and the Pacific to New Zealand, probably to escape over-population, resource scarcity and conflict.  This migration is at the heart of Maori history and identity.  Maori moved throughout New Zealand, and later on rapidly seized opportunities arising from modern technology, institutions and urbanisation.

This culture of moving to where the opportunities are predates and will outlive narrow place-based indigenous[xviii] identity, turangawaewae, mana whenua and tangata whenua concepts.  Post World War Two urbanisation dramatically improved Maori well-being through better education, housing, employment and healthcare.  In parallel there were high rates of inter-marriage.  Inter-marriage transferred new ideas, mind-sets and human capital to Maori through horizontal transmission of knowledge, and this led to dramatically improved education and economic outcomes.

Rising education and socio-economic levels came at some cost to Maori cultural identity and language.  Socio-economic advances from the 1920s on to the 1980s were strongly correlated with the decline of the Maori language and traditional culture.

People need to move to where the opportunities are rather than be confined to arbitrary place-based identities.  However, strong kinship ties can weaken social and geographic mobility.  Many Maori still live in rural and provincial areas that lack rich labour markets and higher educational institutions.  They lack visible role models who can demonstrate what is possible in life.

Narrow, place-based interventions often fail and it is better to facilitate people moving to where the educational and career opportunities are[xix].  This is mandated by Maori history, practice and narrative, and is not in conflict with it.

Cultural adaptiveness

Culture is a product of available resources, knowledge, property rights, and stages of social organisation.  It evolves to achieve practical purposes, such as resource allocation, sustainability, food safety, conflict resolution, and to maintain social harmony.  As circumstances change, culture needs to adapt.

Customs often emerge in response to observed past behaviours that are stable over time.  In tribal societies technological change is slow or non-existent, and customary practice and dependence on elders’ views is critical.  Elders may be repositories of traditional knowledge.  Deference to their memories of past food-gathering or ecological events is valuable in stable technological environments.  In a rapidly changing environment it can become maladaptive.

In pre-European times, high effort-independent variance and lack of banking and other institutions meant Maori struggled to accumulate savings.  This encouraged a culture of living for today and sharing of surpluses to create future return for remembered favours[xx].  Koha is a form of saving in that it psychologically stores claims for future reciprocity.  Kin-based sharing and reciprocal altruism leads to short-term consumption[xxi] rather than individualised and whanau-level education and investment in the future.

However, Maori adapted their culture and customs flexibly in response to the impacts of European engagement.  Maori used rahui and tapu to protect resources and restrict trade.  Cultural behaviours were therefore valued for their practical functionality, and adapted as circumstances changed.  Maori culture is therefore dynamic and adaptive not static.  It must be allowed to evolve as circumstances change.

Hunger for learning, trade, new ideas, technology and institutions

Learning and the institutions that support it can be conceived simplistically as open and horizontal, or as closed and vertical in nature.  Open institutions learn from others and are open to all.  A closed institution has exclusive membership based on discrete characteristics such as race, ethnicity or gender.

Horizontal learning is open to new ideas, pluralistic, contested, and from internationalised and non-kin sources.  Vertical learning is more closed within cultural or kin-based groups and may be narrowly transmitted through families.[xxii]

For socio-economic advancement, institutions should be open and ideas horizontal and international.  This also means intellectual and cultural heritage will be validated, passed on and enlivened, and that which is invalidated will be forgotten.

At the time of the first European encounters, Maori were behind European technological and institutional levels, which had origins in Middle Eastern, Greek, Roman and Asian knowledge communicated through trade routes across cultures and through time periods.

However Maori were thirsty for knowledge and technology and were fast learners.  Early European observers such as Marsden spoke highly of Maori intellect.  Thousands of Maori were literate as early as the 1850s, at a time when many Pakeha were illiterate.  European engagement meant that horizontal learning from international outsiders and strangers supplanted much traditional learning passed down vertically through kin.

Maori engaged with Christianity because of its openness[xxiii] to them and its association with missionary school education.  They actively competed to attract missionary stations to access European knowledge, literacy and technology.  Churches and schools became tapu and were protected even during conflicts.

Maori rapidly picked up market opportunities created by European technologies and trade contacts.  Rawiri Taiwhanga, of Nga Puhi was believed to be New Zealand’s first dairy farmer in the 1830s.  Maori adopted new ship-building techniques.  In 1848 Tamati Waka Nene ordered flour-milling machinery from Sydney – leading edge technology for the time.  Competing missionaries plying the Wanganui river were played off against each other with promises of “souls for flourmills”.

A core driver of learning was inter-marriage.  Inter-marriage created a richer set of ideas, opportunities and social mores from which Maori and part-Maori could choose[xxiv].  Learning from other cultures was the key kaupapa of top Maori leaders from early engagement.

Over time, Maori had to adapt their cultural belief systems to the European world, and decide what to retain and discard.  The Young Maori Party was established by ex-students of Te Aute college from around 1902, evolving from the Te Aute Students’ Association established in 1897.  It was made up of elite Maori who had European-style education to New Zealand’s highest standards of the time.  It included Apirana Ngata, James Carroll, Maui Pomare, Paraire Tomoana and Te Rangi Hiroa (Peter Buck).

The Young Maori Party promoted Maori health, education and advancement.  This they saw coming mainly from western-style education and practices.  Party members supported Maori Parliamentarians such as James Carroll (Timi Kara) and Wi Pere in pushing through the Tohunga Suppression Act 1907.  However Ngata, Tomoana and others also emphasised cultural revival and Maori pride, while getting the best out of the wider world.

Strong concern with property rights

Maori always had a strong concern with private as well as collective property rights.  In pre-European times Maori property was individual (personal tools and effects), communal (a capital-intensive meeting house or large canoe) or tribal (tribal boundaries).   Property was inherited, with ohaki being a public statement of someone about to die, disposing of property.  There were associations between the ownership of things and who provided the labour input into them.

In 1847, George Grey wrote of Maori that there were no people in the world “more sensitive upon the subject of money matters, or the disposal of their property”.  Tellingly, most Treaty of Waitangi claims have been property rights disputes.

In common with other tribal societies, Maori land ownership was communal in nature.  Communal property rights develop for land where there is low value of output per unit, highly variable resources, low returns from intensive investment, and large economies of scale in use and in infrastructure.  These conditions often coincide with low technological levels, lack of accumulation and specialisation, and with tribal social organisation.

Communal rights can be economically efficient where there are resources that are difficult to individualise because of their diffuse spatial distribution, mobility, seasonality or sustainability constraints.  However, economically effective property rights require clarity of title, excludability, tradability, ability to be represented in an abstract form, and integration into a transaction cost efficient information system.

This typically means that individualised private property rights are more economically productive than communal ones.  Some Maori communal assets are now dead assets partly because they are weakly titled and so cannot be leveraged.

However, Maori historical focus on avoiding communal land alienation partly reflected the instinct that inalienable land can convey net worth, not just income, that it survives individual transience and is associated with intergenerational group identity.  Nevertheless, for Maori to fulfil their potential in today’s economic environment their property rights focus must be on individual and whanau-level net worth rather than communal property.

What is also critical for Maori is that net worth[xxv] should be transferred vertically to individuals and families and to future generations[xxvi].

Egalitarianism

In pre-European times rangitira (at the hapu and whanau level) and ariki (at the iwi level) had responsibility for governance, keeping the peace, protecting hapu or iwi property and resources, and providing social welfare functions.  Excessive accumulation was punished by muru, or pillage – a form of forced redistribution.  Chiefly power was contingent on their meeting their obligations.  Maori culture did not mandate chiefs capturing hapu or iwi assets for their own use.

Maori society was therefore deeply equalitarian, and Maori were (and still are) highly sensitive to even slight differences in rank status between individuals[xxvii].  Pakeha settlers were escaping from Britain’s class system and had a strong egalitarian ethos.  These forces have helped shape New Zealand’s deep egalitarian culture.

Egalitarianism implies minimising socio-economic differences between groups and individuals, consistent with rewards for effort that create good incentives.  It assumes that relative as well as absolute incomes and net worth matter.

Policy neutrality between Maori and other New Zealanders, or assuming that we are all just “one New Zealanders” will not close the socio-economic gaps.  Analysis of inequality in developed countries shows that when the return on capital exceeds the rate of economic growth, inequality rises[xxviii].  The low net worth of Maori individuals and households is therefore a severe disadvantage that could well be compounded in a time of declining housing affordability.

Maori relative disadvantage has been associated with, and can often be subsumed within wider sociological factors.  However, even when other variables are accounted for, Maori identity is an independent variable associated with negative outcomes such as high crime and incarceration rates.  Therefore, broad-based policies addressing socio-economic disadvantage affecting all ethnic groups will not close the gaps between Maori and their compatriots.

Closing the socio-economic gaps between Maori and others will require disproportionately large investments in capability development for Maori.  This investment would not be for Treaty of Waitangi or cultural reasons but for New Zealand’s socio-economic development and for the self-interest of New Zealanders as a whole. Given the relative youth of the Maori population, investment in education will lead to correspondingly higher returns[xxix] over the lifecycle, while enhancing egalitarianism.

Multi-generational collective identity

People seek to connect to cultural narratives involving a past, shared values, behaviours and mind-sets.  These collectively allow individuals to transcend their ephemeral existence and see themselves as part of something wider and more enduring than themselves[xxx].  Multi-generational narratives also pass on valuable heritage to future generations, for example taonga such as artworks, music and literature.

Collective narratives can be positive or negative.  They can be as toxic as Nazism or ISIS, or as rich in universal humanism and intellectual achievement as those of ancient Greece or of modern European and American Judaism.  Lack of positive cultural narratives creates vacuums that can be filled by inertia, by drugs that suppress consciousness, or by negative, identity-based in-groups hostile to out-groups.

Moreover, positive narratives can foster what people want to live for, as well as how they make a living.  Maori have a sense of belonging to something wider than the individual.  This includes recognition of inter-generational property, cultural heritage,  whakapapa, war history, patriotism, faith in the Waitangi Treaty, cultural and linguistic revival and connections with the natural environment.

Intergenerational communitarian identity can be consistent with high individualised achievement.  Minority groups such as some Jewish, Sikh, Lebanese, Chinese and Gujaratis communities have harmonised distinctive cultural identity with high intellectual, economic and business achievement valued and rewarded in open and internationalised rather than in-group environments.

Maori are increasingly achieving across more intellectual and international business fields, and weaving these new strands of achievement into their multi-generational collective narrative.

Foster a whakapapa of the mind

Without written language, oral history prevailed in traditional Maori society.  Whakapapa reflected kinship relationships and also provided a memorisation structure to transmit environmental, property rights and other knowledge.

However, there are conceptual problems with defining any group of people in bloodline whakapapa terms.  Everyone has two parents, four grandparents, eight great grandparents and so on into deep evolutionary history.  This means every individual has over a billion ancestors, with some being ancestors several times over.  This leads to rapid dilution over the generations in the importance of any one ancestor to an individual’s genetic inheritance and identity.

Furthermore, Maori culture was never rigidly bloodline-based.  It sometimes supported meritocracy unrelated to bloodline[xxxi], reflecting at least some recognition of achieved rather than ascribed status.  In Maori culture, incapable ariki “would be set aside in practical affairs, and only called upon to perform certain religious rites”[xxxii].

In the same way that consanguinity can lead to health problems in isolated populations, inward-looking kin-based cultures can cut themselves off from new learning from others.  Kinship-based tribal identities are closed.  In their most inward-looking manifestations parents and extended family pass on narrow mind-sets to their children, rather than casting a wide intellectual net and learning internationally, from other cultures, and from universal human intellectual and cultural heritage.

The most powerful and efficient means of transmitting knowledge and culture is through the horizontal interchange of ideas and learning.  This requires connections to people who know something you don’t.  The more people you interact with and the more pluralism, ideas and perspectives, the better the outcomes[xxxiii].

Maori identity has been progressively reframed by inter-marriage and higher educational levels, and redefined for legal and statistical purposes.  Now any amount of Maori blood entitles people to “feel Maori.”  In every generation, inter-marriage enriches whakapapa links to a more open society and humanistic world.  Almost all New Zealand-born people will have some Maori blood within a few generations, as well as links to other cultures and to open society more generally.

Maori are now embracing a more internationalised rather than parochial whakapapa of the mind.  This is driven by information technology, movement of people and inter-marriage.  Maori socio-economic development now requires that a whakapapa of the mind must prevail over a bloodline whakapapa.

Foster multiple identities and matching identity to the right content

People have multiple identities[xxxiv] and different identities will prevail in different contexts.  The right identity has to be matched to the right context (a surgeon who is also a rugby player, juggler, lay preacher and jazz musician must only be a surgeon in the operating theatre).  The mix of identities an individual embodies will shape their ability to see themselves in others.  President Obama governed for all Americans, not one ethnic group.  However, his black American identity gave him affinity with minority groups, while still acting for all.

Everyone is at the centre of a unique web of valuations that does not exactly duplicate anyone else’s.  For this reason, Maori or any other specific identity can be seen as just one of many identities that overlap with others’ multiple identities.

Maori identity may be of different significance to Maori of similar bloodline ancestry, depending on relative economic and psychological incentives.  It may appear of different salience and relevance, depending on varying professional, sporting, recreational, avocational, family, religious, political and other contexts.

Understanding which of one’s multiple identities is most critical in a particular context leads to positive socio-economic and wider life outcomes[xxxv].  Some advocate a Maori-centred and closed view of identity leading to a “Maori achieving as Maori”[xxxvi] kaupapa[xxxvii].  This can build pride and be a partial defence against stereotypical threat and cultural stigmatisation.  It is consistent with multiple identities if Maori identity is matched to the right and relevant context.  However, if any one dominant group identity overrides the ability to match the right identity to the right context it can lead to bad outcomes[xxxviii].

Promote cultural narratives that support top socio-economic outcomes

Cultural identity and narrative can foster mind-sets and behaviours consistent with positive socio-economic outcomes.  Positive identity is typically not narrowly ethnic or race-based and can involve any group identity that gives people values and life directions, consistent with better socio-economic outcomes.

Some research[xxxix] suggests that, compared to non-Maori, Maori are more likely to have beliefs inconsistent with economic prosperity.  These include belief that a better life is due more to luck than hard work, that Government is doing too little, that business should not be run solely by the owners and stakeholder models are preferable, and that the environment should be given more priority over the economy.  These beliefs, together with collectivism and kinship ties are argued by some to have constrained Maori economically.

Some Maori may well have a greater propensity for non-market goods such as cultural and recreational activities.  However, this may result from social class rather than ethnicity.  An ethic of short-term sharing among kin and fatalism about the future impede Maori economic development.  However, businesses run along stakeholder lines can succeed, and sustainable development approaches can harmonise environmental and economic objectives[xl].

A positive cultural narrative must be placed within an internationalised and humanistic frame, however it can encompass the Treaty of Waitangi, nation-state identity and multi-culturalism.[xli] Patriotism does not need to be the last refuge of scoundrels.  It can reflect mutual liking between people who interact a lot, who inter-marry and share a common destiny.

A shared New Zealand national life requires more than tolerance.  It requires admiration, whether for Maori film, folksong and language, for kapa haka, the emotional power of tangi, open marae, or simply for individuals.  Maori television is widely enjoyed by non-Maori, including for its commitment to long-term cultural and historical heritages which are not supported by mainstream media.  Educated Pakeha increasingly use Maori expressions such as ‘arohanui’ and ‘kia kaha’ to express profound emotions ineffable in English.

Maori pride in artistic, musical, film-making and sporting achievement can become pride in New Zealand’s wider achievements.

Challenge damaging cultural behaviours and mind-sets

Some past cultural behaviours may now be damaging.  In early times children were adopted out to relatives (whangai) to overcome straitened whanau resources.  In modern times such extended whanau and caregiver relationships[xlii] can confuse parental accountability and make children vulnerable.  This is not a trivial matter to be glossed over to be “culturally sensitive”[xliii].  Placing vulnerable Maori children in the care of whanau or other kin can lead to higher abuse rates than those released into the care of non-kin.

The exacerbation of cultural distinctiveness can amplify the differences and mask much more significant commonalities.  It leads to issues being addressed as ethnic rather than socio-economic and humanist in nature.  This leads to cultural content as a solution to problems which are socio-economic in nature.  This however compounds closed rather than open mind-sets and institutions, reduces exposure to new ideas and learning, and exacerbates socio-economic inequality.

Different cultural groups achieve different socio-economic outcomes even when faced with the same external circumstances.  This is associated with mind-sets rather than ethnicity as such.  Low socio-economic well-being can, for example, be influenced by identity-based “cultural storylines” that poor outcomes are the result of others’ actions, not of the individuals themselves

Maori were rightly aggrieved with Treaty breaches, and the government has responded to them.  Settlement of historical Treaty claims is largely about justice, and to some extent about re-distribution.  Settlements also reduce grievances and encourage people to focus on the future.  Substantial Treaty settlements are being invested in productive enterprises and education.  They are also fostering the growth of Maori institutions that can be leveraged off.

However, some parties have an interest in perpetuating grievances and constructing new ones[xliv].  There are risks in a psychology where people feel that “others” or “history” are limiting what they can achieve.  This reduces the incentives for the education, labour market performance, asset creation and business entrepreneurship that can create new wealth, and instead focuses people on lobbying or litigation.

Cultural attitudes are changing positively.  More and more Maori want to be judged by their professional or other performance in their field, not typecast as narrowly and stereotypically “Maori”[xlv].  Many are uneasy with the faith they are asked to have in cultural identity-based solutions.  Criticism of canons of this faith can trigger hyperbolic over-reactions.  These might be triggered by concern that such criticisms can mask prejudiced attitudes.  They might also suggest there is little substance in the canon or the alleged “cultural offence” against it, and people must be discouraged from scrutinising it too closely.

Work with Maori institutions to support better outcomes

Every developed country has unique institutions that reflect historical contingencies and path dependencies rather than textbook economic models.  Maori institutions such as iwi collectives have connections with and can influence people it is hard for government to reach.  Some ban alcohol, drugs, smoking and gangs from their recreational and cultural events, and this supports positive behavioural change.

Maori collectives manage some large scale and long term investment funds.  This is important in an economy with thin capital markets and short-term investment horizons.  Some collectives promote individualised savings schemes, such as Ngai Tahu’s Whai Rawa scheme.

Other initiatives could be explored to permit individual investment aligned to collective structures.  Examples include A share and B share structures and initiatives akin to Fonterra’s Shareholder Fund.   Maori institutions can therefore be leveraged off for social and economic development, including at the individual and whanau level.

Promote Maori capability development

Tribal social organisation worked in the past, but not in modern times.  Adam Smith’s insight was that self-interest (rather than selfishness) within complex and impersonal markets leads to labour specialisation and economic growth benefiting society as a whole.  However if people’s psychology is still influenced by tribalism their self-interest may be constrained by cultural, kinship or relational loyalties.  This causes disadvantage in modern economies with different rules.

The focus for Maori development must start with the individual.  Individuals are the ultimate unit of moral concern.  They exist in a social and cultural context, but intervention must be evaluated in terms of effects on individuals.  The social group, such as the hapu and whanau cannot be the ultimate unit to engage with as it masks inequalities within these groups, for example in relation to the status of women.

Mind-sets must now turn to capability development and socio-economic outcomes at the individual and whanau level.  This must be the driving kaupapa of the Maori and the wider New Zealand narrative, however it requires supportive social and economic policy settings.

Social welfare that subsidises consumption keeps people in poverty, while investment in capability development gives them the educational and other tools to rise out of it.  Passive dependency conflicts with traditional Maori culture.  Maori proverbs and sayings valued hard workers and despised the lazy.  There was strong social stigma against infidelity, and against people not supporting their families. 

New Zealand’s existing social policy settings contrast, for example, with those of Singapore.  Singapore made individuals responsible for their own and their children’s well-being, while the state invested in capability development and net worth creation.  It invested heavily in educational, home ownership and savings-based financial asset capabilities and avoided consumption-based “welfare”.  It thereby stopped a passive underclass developing.

Singapore’s policies are paternalistic in recognizing that people’s self-regulation needs external support and “ties that bind”, such as compulsory savings.  They are supported by a culture of high savings, strong families, individual aspiration, self-regulation and respect for authority.  Such policies could take root in New Zealand if they were recast in our own cultural terms, which might include a healthy scepticism for excessively hierarchal authority.

In New Zealand today, the disadvantaged are not Maori as a whole but a subset with poor education, within certain age groups, living in certain places and with particular mind-sets.  Better data, and Maori institutions with deep community connections will increasingly enable resources to be targeted more effectively.

The key investment target must be Maori capability development through high level education focusing on career achievement, individualised incomes, ability to adapt to change, and high net worth.

Maori failure to achieve must not be misdiagnosed as a cultural malaise and be “treated” with cultural activities or sport.  We must not be confused between making people feel culturally comfortable in education (and using culture as “hooks” into education), and culture being the content of what is taught[xlvi].

What is required is not inward-looking cultural content but maths, science, advanced IT, English, and major international languages taught by open society educationalists[xlvii].

Strong affirmative investment is also needed, for example through scholarships and additional student support.  This is especially important in highly-rewarded professions, and where there is tight regulation, limited entry, and often challenges in navigating educational and professional pathways.

Such investment in education, and in wider capability development with a strong net worth focus are the only ways to achieve fairness and allow people to reach their full potential.  Maori must not be passive, and must self-author their lives in an active and self-determining way.  This will see tino rangitiratanga made manifest at the individual and household level.  It will benefit all New Zealanders over the longer term socio-economically, and through a more integrated, cohesive and open society collective narrative, with more and more authors sharing the pen.

Notes

[i] ‘Maori’ in this paper refers to those who self-identify as Maori, and to their pre-European ancestors.  ‘Maori’ historically meant ‘ordinary’ and only took on its modern meaning from the early 19th century in counterpoint to non-Maori ethnicities.  Different protocols influence who is categorised as Maori for statistical purposes.  Maori identity is also fluid and responds to economic and psychological incentives.  See Chapple, 2000.

[ii] See Wilkinson & Pickett, 2009.

[iii] See Diamond, J. 1997.

[iv] The New Zealand Constitution Act 1986 marks the point at which the Crown, after a long and incremental evolution, was finally stripped of all but a symbolic or procedural role. The Constitution Act is therefore New Zealand’s founding document as an independent parliamentary democracy.

[v] The absence of strong government underlies current turmoil in the Middle East and North Africa, triggering refugee crises that are challenging immigration policy frameworks in Europe and elsewhere.  The benefits of strong government are often taken for granted, until it is absent.

[vi] Kawantanga was translated as “governorship” in early Bible translations available to Maori in the late 1830s.  By 1840 hundreds of Maori had visited New South Wales and would have observed how powerful Crown governors were.  Some had also visited Britain and observed Crown power.

[vii] Rangitira were heads of households or hapu rather than powerful ariki or chiefs leading iwi.  Over 500 of them signed the Waitangi Treaty.   Tino rangitiratanga in the Treaty is about self-determination at the individual, household and hapu more than the iwi level.  Article Two protects individuals from chiefly or tribal dominance as well as from rapacious settler land buyers.  It was influenced by memories of the social devastation Scottish “chiefs” caused during the Highland enclosures.

[viii] This was a factor in the emergence of the Kingitanga movement.

[ix] Tertiary education expanded dramatically in the post-World War Two period, however most Maori at this time lacked tertiary-educated whanau and peer group role models.  Their family structures were also being disrupted by move to the cities, labour market and social change.

[x] Maori gangs emerged in the 1960s, a time of full employment and prosperity.  Their emergence suggests not poverty but absence of a positive social narrative for young Maori living in urban areas in which they felt isolated.

[xi] Kurzban et al, 2001.

[xii] It is important to acknowledge that racial classification can be important in health and medical diagnosis.  Morphology and skin colour have implications for health, and the genetics underlying some diseases and allergenic risks are disproportionately present in some racial groups.

[xiii] Many countries, ethnic and religious groups have promoted cultural revival in response to socio-economic challenges.  These range from the benevolence of the European Renaissance and the nineteenth century Danish folk high school movement to the malevolence of 1930s Germany.  The lesson may be that cultural revival is positive when it is open and humanistic and negative when it is closed and xenophobic.

[xiv] Kohanga Reo began in 1982 and Kura Kaupapa schools from 1985.

[xv] Benefits included Te Reo revival, vast historical scholarship, the revitalisation of interest in Maori poetry and song from Rihi Puhiwahine Te Rangihirawea through to modern popular music, and film-making achievement of international renown.

[xvi] Peter Drucker argued that business processes should be regularly put on “trial for their lives” to see if they are still needed.  Such an approach could well be taken with customs that no longer appear logical and relevant.

[xvii] Examples include restrictions on women speaking on some marae, and bans on women tradespeople working at night on some “culturally sensitive” buildings.

[xviii] Indigenous means “of or belonging to a place”.  There are Pakeha and Asian New Zealanders who have had multi-generational connections with, and are indigenous to specific places in New Zealand.  Conversely, there are Maori born in Australia who have never visited New Zealand.

[xix] As Gorky wrote, “people are not trees; we are not supposed to lead all our lives on the one spot”.

[xx] In contrast, small business owners in communities dominated by tribal or indigenous populations are often of minority ethnicities such as Asian.  They are free from local community demands for insecure credit, gift-giving, reciprocal altruism and other social claims inconsistent with longer term accumulation and well-being.

[xxi] Coleman et al (2005) reported nineteenth century accounts of a low thrift and savings culture among Maori.  However, this might have reflected the Crown’s depredations and the distrust it created in banks and other savings-related institutions as well as, or rather than cultural factors.  A Maori saying in the 1850s was “out of debt is out of trouble”.

[xxii] See Zakharenko, 2016.

[xxiii] Christianity began as a Jewish sect which, unlike its Jewish spiritual competitors, was open to Gentiles, women and other outsiders.  Later in its development, Augustine’s culture of openness won out over Donatist and other competing factions that were exclusive.  Christianity created a moral foundation of openness to other cultural and ethnic groups.  Europeans then promoted Christianity through exploration and colonisation.  Christianity also co-opted from other cultures, for example secular karakia became a basis for Christian prayers, reflecting two way cultural learning.

[xxiv] This suggests a hypothesis that Maori who intermarry with non-Pakeha ethnic minorities may do even better since they access and can draw the best from three different cultures: Pakeha, Maori and a third ethnicity that comes with its own knowledge base, insights and mind-sets.

[xxv] The transfers of net worth in the form of, for example, home ownership and business equity stakes to children and grandchildren is critical to breaking out of inter-generational poverty.  This has to be at the individual and whanau rather than communal level.  This is because individual rights in communal resources are diluted in every generation, and communal property rights are not geared to individual and whanau development.

[xxvi] These arguments resonate with Keynes’ view that ideas should be international and capital should be local.

[xxvii] It is possible this leads to over-stratification, and over-reaction to micro-cues of perceived status differences that are not in fact very material.

[xxviii] See Piketty, 2014.

[xxix] These returns would include higher labour market participation, economy-wide productivity gains and avoided costs through lower crime and reduced benefit dependency.

[xxx] This is associated with “terror management theory” in sociology.

[xxxi] For example, Te Rauparaha was not of the highest bloodline rank but rose to Ngati Toa leadership on his merits.

[xxxii] See Grimes et al, 2015.

[xxxiii] The Controller and Auditor-General (2016) noted that Maori school achievement was lower in schools with higher proportions of Maori students, and that smaller schools do worse for Maori.

[xxxiv] See Sen, 2006.

[xxxv] It is fine to be incompetent in juggling and excellent in the surgical theatre, but not the other way round.

[xxxvi] Top New Zealand business leaders such as Rod Drury and Rob McLeod have Maori ancestry, however they do not noticeably promote “Maori succeeding as Maori” as integral to their commercial achievements.

[xxxvii] The Controller and Auditor-General (2016) notes that achieving as Maori means different things to different people.  This does not suggest a credible kaupapa, if taken in isolation from an open society, multiple identities framework.

[xxxviii] Some cultural markers can impede the ability to match identities to different contexts.  For example, indelible and visible tattoos can be commitment devices that imply one identity dominates over others.  They can materially harm job prospects in some parts of the world.

[xxxix] Grimes et al, 2015.

[xl] See MAF, 2007.

[xli] For example, Singapore’s economy has been established largely through Chinese, Indian and Malay immigrants working within what began as a British colonial institutional framework, and with a common economic vision that has co-existed with multi-culturalism and multi-lingualism.

[xlii] It is important to acknowledge, with admiration and humility, the great love and care present in many Maori extended whanau that have taken responsibility for grandchildren, adopted children, or picked up vulnerable people who would otherwise be poorly cared for.

[xliii] Silence on some matters may be a sign not of “cultural sensitivity” but of weak character.

[xliv] Treaty processes can blame the Crown for bad outcomes that really result from factors such as poor attitudes to education.  They can also create the fiscal illusion that there is remote entity (“the Crown”) that can deliver settlements that do not impose costs on New Zealanders, such as on low income taxpayers.

[xlv] An example is Maori succeeding in highly individualistic sports, academic and professional fields, breaking down stereotypes that Maori are better at team sports and group learning.

[xlvi] Lourie & Rata, 2014 argue that the “cultural solution” is in fact a cause of Maori educational under-achievement.

[xlvii] Many of whom will have Maori among their identities.

 

 

References

Chapple, S. 2000: Maori socio-economic disparity. Paper for the Ministry of Social Policy. Labour Market Policy Group, Department of Labour.

Coleman, A et al 2005: Maori economic development – Glimpses from statistical sources. Motu Working Paper 05-13.  Motu Economic and Public Policy Research.

Controller and Auditor-General 2016: Education for Maori: Using information to improve Maori educational success.  Wellington, Controller and Auditor-General.

Diamond, J.1997: Guns, Germs and Steel: The fates of human societies.  Norton & Co, New York.

Grimes, A.; MacCulloch, R.; McKay, F. 2015: Indigenous Belief in a Just World: New Zealand Maori and other Ethnicities Compared. Motu Working paper 15-14. Motu Economic and Public Policy Research,

Kurzban, R.; Tooby, J.; Cosmides, L. 2001: Can race be erased?  Coalitional computation and social categorization. PNAS Vol. 98, No. 26.5387-15392.

Lourie, M.; Rata, E. 2014: A critique of the role of culture in Maori education.  British Journal of Sociology of Education.  Vol. 35, No. 1, 19-36.

MAF, 2007: Sustainable Development Framework for New Zealand Agriculture and Forestry.  Agriculture and Forestry Perspectives 1.  Wellington, MAF.

Piketty, T. 2014: Capital in the Twenty First Century. Cambridge, MA, Belknap Press.

Sen A. 2006: Identity and violence.  New York, W W Norton Books.

Wilkinson, R. Pickett, K. 2009: Spirit Level.  Why more equal societies almost always do better.  London, Allen Lane.

Zakharenko, R. 2016: Mathematical Social Sciences 2016 No. 80, 58-64.

 

 

Posted in Uncategorized | 2 Comments

How can we achieve better socio-economic outcomes

How can we achieve better socio-economic outcomes?

Incomes, net worth, choices in life, health and social cohesion all help constitute socio-economic well-being.  How can we achieve better socio-economic outcomes in future?

Good socio-economic outcomes are determined by environmental (when and where we are born) and social factors (who our parents are etc.) Economic performance is also shaped by history, resource endowments, institutions, and supporting cultures and civil society.  New Zealand has most of the conditions for better socio-economic performance and can do much better in absolute terms.

However, people are also concerned with their relative as well as real incomes and net worth.  Income inequality relative to others is associated with bad outcomes such as crime and poor health.  Relative income is a proxy for deeper variables, including psychological mechanisms associated with perceptions of status within hierarchies.

People do not so much aspire to equality as to fairness.  Even hard-headed businesses pay over the market wage for fairness, reciprocity and to support group norms.  Perceptions of procedural fairness better predict compliance with organisational norms than do specific rewards and punishments.

The best-performing societies and economies share common features including:

  • Strong government
  • Inclusive and responsive government
  • Rule of law, and rights
  • Effective property rights
  • Macroeconomic stability and microeconomic flexibility
  • Market economy and trade betterment
  • Public goods and infrastructure
  • Strong and open institutions, including those promoting innovation
  • Capability development
  • Civil society and social engagement, and trust in society

Strong government

A strong government must make and enforce laws and regulations.  It needs to guard against internal and external threats through policing, military and security services.

It is fitting that the preamble to the Treaty of Waitangi focuses on creating an authoritative government that can create and maintain order. Private and customary institutions cannot by themselves provide an institutional framework for social order for an effectively functioning economy.

Inclusive and responsive government

High quality of life and socio-economic prosperity depend on inclusive and responsive government.  This must be underpinned by universal suffrage and individual rights.  While physical laws and resources may be immutable, there is unlimited human imagination and individuality.  Individuals have unique perspectives, but people in the same position need to be subject to common rules, rights and policy settings.

People compete to control a society’s rule-making.  Elected and popular governments must moderate competing claims within a society, and must reflect peoples’ democratic will.  However, to protect individual rights from unfair majoritarian rule they should also be restrained by other institutions such as common law, constitutions (including those governing voluntary and community groups), social norms, the rule of law, and rights.

Rule of law and rights

Credible rule of law requires that the law bind the state and that the executive and judiciary are separate.  Complementing and moderating central and local government law and regulation are contract law, common law and supporting institutions.  Rights in law need to be tightly defined and enforceable, and remedies should be linked to underlying rights.

A good society depends on property rights, political rights (the right to appoint and dismiss governments) and civil rights.  However, different groups in society have different interests.  Property rights may be especially important to capital owners, and political rights to the majority who may vote for redistributive policies and better public services.  Civil rights are of special interest to minorities who may lack both wealth and the numbers to make their voice known through the polls.

These three types of rights – property, political and civil – are related.  They should be managed in complementary not conflicting ways.  For example, the apartheid era white minority in South Africa bargained and exchanged away their dominant political rights for property rights and civil rights.  The white minority in Zimbabwe failed to do so and got a worst outcome.

Of all rights, effective property rights are most important because they underpin political and civil rights and make economic growth and wellbeing possible.

Effective property rights

Property rights are legally mandated claims over resources.  They are intertwined with human rights.  They protect individuals, families and minorities against predatory governments and criminals.  They place value on and protect environmental resources.  They create incentives to plan and work for the long-term and they encourage capital formation that lifts labour productivity.  They allow workers to trade their labour inputs in markets that reward them, and allow innovators to capture rewards from their innovation.  They underpin markets and pricing systems and allow trade to occur.

Strong property rights give people a castle from which they can express their personal and cultural freedom.  They allow individual and family self-determination.

Effective property rights require clarity of title and excludability, tradability, ability to be represented in an abstract form, and integration into a quality information system:

Clarity of title and excludability

Property right titles must be clearly defined and linked to specific owners.  The nature of property, the boundaries around it and its title must be explicitly described.  Property rights must be exclusive if they are to be valued and used productively.

Tradability

Tradability of property is needed to realise value and ensure resources move to their highest valued use.  Without tradability, property managers lack incentives to manage their assets efficiently and are deprived of their full benefits.

Representation of property in an abstract form

In developed countries, assets are integrated into market representational systems that integrate dispersed information.  In less developed countries assets may be extra-legal and their use limited to a small group.

Complex market economies and trade depend on the ability to connect tangible physical property to intangible abstract rights.  This allows property to be leveraged for such purposes as securing utility services, borrowing, accessing risk management services such as insurance, entering into and ensuring enforcement of contracts and conferring rights of succession.

In less developed countries many people own substantial property.  However they cannot leverage that property.  Without this and quality property information systems, utility providers lack confidence to connect electricity and telecommunications to slum dwellings, black markets emerge, taxes are evaded and public services stagnate.

Integrated into a quality information system

Property must connect to an information system that records property and tracks transactions and claims related to it in a public, accurate and verifiable way.  Quality property information systems must be public and generalised not limited and particularised.  They need to be protected from institutional failure.

The 2008 Global Financial Crisis (GFC) was associated with financial derivatives, credit default swaps and bundled and leveraged mortgages becoming too disconnected from underlying real property.  Property information systems became unable to relate abstracted rights and claims to specific property.  This meant, for example, that some mortgage foreclosures were unlawful because it was impossible to trace a particular mortgage to an actual property.

The property rights information system had therefore become particularised, opaque and private, not generalised and public.  It is always government’s role to police standards, weights and measures.  If we have a Metre Convention why do we not have a Convention to protect accurate public records of property rights and transactions relating to them?

Macro-economic stability and micro-economic flexibility

Macro-economic stability and microeconomic flexibility are both critical to high performing economies and are mutually reinforcing.  Stability requires such foundations as an independent Reserve Bank, flexible exchange rates, sound money, ways of storing and protecting wealth and a prudently regulated financial sector.

Flexibility is needed to allow resources to shift with demand in ways reflecting human individuality and creativity, dispersed information, and the highly differentiated and dynamic nature of modern economies.  Supporting institutions are needed to minimise market abuses and to allow people to adapt to change and stay connected to and make a positive contribution to society.

Market economy and trade betterment

Rising prosperity depends on trade betterment, including free entry to markets and innovation.

Throughout history, the merchant, professional and business classes engaged in trade betterment have been stigmatized in folklore, literature and popular culture. Stigmatisation turns individuals into abstract, dehumanised stereotypes.  This can become especially toxic when these stereotypes are associated with minority ethnicities or with stigmatised social classes such as kulaks.

History is littered with attempts to do away with private property and trade betterment and create utopian communities populated by “ideal people” behaving in ways anathema to human nature.  Shakespeare spoofed this in The Tempest:

Gonzalo:

In the commonwealth I would by contraries

Execute all things; for no kind of traffic

Would I admit; no name of magistrate;

Letters should not be known; riches, poverty,

And use of service, none; contract, succession,

Bourn, bound of land, tilth, vineyard, none;

No use of metal, corn, or wine, or oil…

No sovereignty…

All things in common Nature should produce

Without sweat or endeavour…

Nature should bring forth,

Of it own kinds, all foison, all abundance

To feed my innocent people.

 

Trade betterment, competition and some level of inequality it gives rise to are needed for human advancement.  Free entry to markets is associated with property rights, human rights, freedom of association and with other-centredness.

Customers and customers cannot be forced to buy in a market. Those that want to sell to customers need to see through their eyes, respect their autonomy, and meet their needs.

Economic growth strategies can focus on markets and trade betterment or on political lobbying and state-driven solutions.  Market economies that protect property rights and trade betterment provide the best route for advancement.  Effectively functioning markets require supporting institutions to prevent exploitation of market power.

Capability development related to education, home ownership, compulsory or subsidised savings and financial literacy are also needed to allow people to fully participate in market economies and to minimise inequality.

Politics is vulnerable to manipulation of political, regulatory or social rules to protect privileged interests or to increase prices or returns from existing assets, rather than creating new wealth.  Rent-seeking behaviour can cause net economic loss by reducing allocative efficiency and diverting resources away from production into lobbying, litigation and other such activities.  People with credentials but few marketable skills can have a sense of entitlement and turn to politics to leverage opportunities unavailable in private markets.

Politicians and lobbyists can promote a sense of entitlement or grievance and create a psychology where people feel that “others” or “history” are limiting what they can achieve in the economy or society.  This reduces the incentives for the education, labour market performance, asset creation and business entrepreneurship that creates new wealth, and it instead focuses people on political lobbying.

Public goods and infrastructure

Public goods need to be publicly provided.  Economic agents must be rewarded for their positive externalities, and should bear the cost of their negative ones.  Public goods and wider public interests can require the state to exercise its eminent domain powers, for example to acquire private property for a public purpose such as infrastructure development.  This should follow due process and include adequate financial compensation for takings.

Goods best provided publicly include infrastructure such as roads, railways, telecommunications, electricity and water supplies.  These are fundamental to society and have a human rights dimension.  For example, communications infrastructure is needed for freedom of association.  Infrastructure can also overcome economic geography constraints.

People by and large do better in cities because of better infrastructure, more ideas and richer labour markets.  However, economic geography can also impede economic efficiency and social mobility even in large cities.  For example, there can be a structural mismatch between affordable housing and where in a city jobs are located.

Poorly educated people may stay in parts of a country where there are thin labour markets, low incomes and often high unemployment.  In such communities, the unemployed may impose negative externalities on those around them.  Quality communications infrastructure helps address these problems.

Strong and open institutions

Institutions evolve to deal with such problems as economic distribution, conflict resolution, and protection of rights.  They require time, social mandate, strong government, rule of law, and the civil society and social norms that reinforce them.

High quality institutions are generalised rather than particularised.  Generalised institutions are open to everyone and permit open trade and exchange between parties.  A particularised institution is based on privileged interests or on discrete, non-economic characteristics such as race, ethnicity, religion or gender.

Open and generalised institutions support growth and human rights, closed and particularised ones don’t.  Likewise, successful social movements and institutions arise from openness to outsiders.  Jesus was a leader of one of many tiny Jewish sects, most of them exclusive.  His sect won out because it was open to Gentiles and women and overcame racist and ethnic barriers to entry to what was an inclusive sect among exclusive rivals.

International market trade has become the most open and transformative of all institutions.  Its symbol, the World Trade Centre is in ruins.  However, its unbroken heart has lifted humanity out of poverty and become the dominant driver of human behaviour and resource allocation.

Institutions also need supporting social capital, practice and norms.  Humanism, an international secular belief system based on liberties, high culture and human unity, is a form of social capital that underpins generalised institutions open to all.  However, social capital can also be used to create particularised identity-based groups that share social capital within but not outside the particularised group.

Institutions that evolve and develop locally tend to be deeply embedded in society and link to local knowledge and practice.  They give rise to and are reinforced by social norms.  The Balinese system of irrigation management is a good example.

It is difficult to import and impose foreign institutions that are not supported by local culture and practice.  The rapid recovery of Germany and Japan after World War Two illustrated the value of working with local institutions.

When US-led forces occupied Germany and Japan after World War Two they destroyed Nazi and Japanese Imperial powers but protected and leveraged off underlying local and democratic institutions and much of the central and local government infrastructure.  Americans drafted the post-war Japanese constitution. However the Japanese modified it and translated it into a document they owned.  Like the Treaty of Waitangi, there are differences between the English and the indigenous language versions.

Institutions, norms and practices can also be supported by political and symbolic narratives that manage change and keep people together.  For example, after the downfall of apartheid Nelson Mandela connected to the white minority culture by wearing a Springbok jersey at the Rugby World Cup final in 1995.  In doing so he showed respect for the minority culture and signalled acceptance of its passions as well as those of its institutions that were open to all.

Capability development

Passive forms of social welfare that subsidise today’s consumption keep people out of absolute poverty but trap them in relative poverty since they have neither the means nor motivation to become more skilled and productive and to get ahead in life.  Capability development rather than income support is required to promote wealth creation and asset formation across lifetimes and through generations.  Support through capability development gives people the capabilities and mind-sets to enable them to earn more, build net worth and to self-determine their lives.

Education is society’s major investment in capability development.  It buffers people from situational depravation and allows them to escape from it.  For example, someone growing up in a single parent household may be situationally deprived.  However, if a child’s solo parent is highly educated or has high aspirations then that child may be situationally but not culturally deprived.  Outcomes for children in even one parent households are typically good where the parent is well educated.

 

Returns from education are distant in time, abstract, and may lack salience.  People in poorly educated families lack exemplars and social networks that show what is possible and give guidance on getting there.

Savings, investment and forgoing today’s consumption to build capability development for tomorrow are discouraged where there is high effort-independent variance in economic outcomes.  Institutions and social policy settings can reduce effort-independent variance and encourage future-oriented capability development. Safe, stable environments and nurturing parents help self-control and future focus while high variant, capricious social environments discourage it.

 

People’s innate cognitive biases such as short-termism lead to under-investment in education and low savings.  Peer group pressure and prevalent family or other norms can encourage self-defeating behaviours such as low educational achievement, gambling, drug and alcohol abuse or criminality.

There are advertising pressures to consume and to take on debt.  Debt offerings, whether in the form of bank credit or fringe lending, are framed in ways exploiting cognitive weaknesses.  Lower socio-economic households tend to be short of energy, attention and time as well as money.  Self-control is a limited resource, uses energy to exercise and can be depleted by use.  Therefore children from lower socio-economic backgrounds focus on the short term at the expense of the self-control needed to support longer term educational and other development.

Connections to workplaces as well as educational institutions are also important because they make real what is otherwise abstract.  Youth exposure to part time work builds social networks, work attitudes and social skills and helps transitions to adulthood and to higher level educational and labour market achievement.

While capability development must have strong origins in family environments, the state must play a role and encourage the right individual and family behaviours.  Singapore in the post-war period went from a poor backwater with negligible resources to a highly developed and wealthy city-state.  Lee Kuan Yee supported a culture in which individuals and families looked after themselves and were self-reliant.  Adam Smith’s fundamental insight was that self-interest was the key driver of success, and when people focused on their self-interest the collective interest was fulfilled.  Meritocracy, self-interest and reward for endeavour are not therefore class-based tropes and ploys but are rather key conditions of social mobility.

From the 1960s Singapore developed rapidly because it invested in capabilities and used this to drive economic growth and equity.  It invested in education, home ownership and financial assets and avoided welfare-based passive dependency.

Singapore recognized that people needed external support and “ties that bind”, such as compulsory savings to complement their own self-regulation.  Strict law and order and paternalistic policies such as bans on gambling and strictures against drugs removed temptations, enhanced self-regulation and helped people get ahead.  Part of the philosophy was that he who might be free must first be bound.  Singapore aimed to ensure everyone was on a development path and that a welfare-dependent underclass was not allowed to emerge.  Singapore’s policies were supported by a culture of high savings, strong families and individual aspiration.

Challenges faced in countries such as New Zealand and Australia have been those of passive dependency.  A capability development approach requires a move from the passive to the active, from the present to the future, and from consumption to investment in capabilities allowing enhanced future output leading to higher consumption over the longer-term.  It also requires a greater focus on net worth and asset ownership.

Holding assets has wider spill-over benefits and can change mind-sets.  It is associated with positive educational attainments for children.  In changing thinking, asset ownership can lead to a virtuous circle with future-looking cognition causing savings and assets causing future-looking cognition.

How could the above capability development be actively applied in the New Zealand context?  If we are ready for transformative ideas, passive consumption-based welfare such as Working for Families and other family support schemes could be converted into children’s individual development accounts to be used only for education, home ownership, business or financial investments to enhance future income-earning power and net worth.  Such capability development can underpin equality of opportunity and social mobility.

Civil society and social engagement

If we develop people’s capability we expect that people engage with society and contribute actively to it.  If one has a talent it should be leveraged and not buried in a field.  Financial assets should be invested productively not speculatively or for arbitrage.  Intellectual capabilities should do some good in the world and not be used for graft or rent-seeking.

Engagement in clubs, community groups and in voluntary organisations builds social networks and cohesion, shares knowledge, and leads to wider socio-economic benefits.  Politeness and self-regard is both an input into such activities and a result of them, leading to regard for others.

Should you wish to explore these ideas further, the bibliography below is a start.

 

Bibliography

Acemoglu, D. Jackson, M. 2015: History, expectations and leadership in the evolution of social norms. Review of Economic Studies (2015) 0, 1-34.

Acemoglu, D. Robinson, J. 2012: Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty.  Crown Publishers.

Boettke, P; Coyne, C; Leeson, P. 2008: Institutional stickiness and the new development economics.  The American Journal of Economics and Sociology. Vol 67, No. 2.

Bynner, J. B.; Paxton, W. 2001: The Asset Effect.  London: Institute for Public Policy Research.

De Soto, H. 2000: The Mystery of Capitalism: Why capitalism triumphs in the West and fails everywhere else. Basic Books.

Mullainathan, S.; Shafir, E. 2013: Scarcity: Why having too little means so much.  New York, Times Books.

Offer, A. 2006: The challenge of affluence.  Self-control and well-being in the United States and Britain since 1950.  Oxford University Press.

Otsuka, M. 2003: Libertarianism without Inequality.  Oxford, Oxford University Press.

Pipes, Richard.  1999: Property and Freedom.  London, Harvill Press.

Sen, A. 1993: Capability and well-being.  In M. Nussbaum and A Sen, eds: The quality of life, 30-53.  Oxford, Clarendon Press.

Wilkinson, R.; Pickett, K. 2009: Spirit Level.  Why more equal societies almost always do better.  London, Allen Lane.

 

 

 

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

“I will not speak with her”: Ophelia, shattered narratives, and fragmented selves

One way into Hamlet is through Ophelia’s madness.  Before Claudius murdered Hamlet senior, Ophelia has a life narrative, cultural confidence, and an integrated self.  She lives in a settled state that has seen off its enemies.  Both the King and Queen are fond of her.  Her father is an esteemed adviser to the King, and she has a protective if somewhat patronizing brother.

Ophelia is confident in her folk culture and Christianity.  Although motherless, her female network includes the Queen. She is young, intelligent and beautiful and has the best years of her life ahead of her.  Her boyfriend is the Prince of Denmark, a noble and preternaturally intelligent man, albeit prone to abstract musings.  He is more a philosopher than a warrior prince, but may inherit the throne. Given Hamlet’s standing, Ophelia is likely to become a princess, perhaps a queen.

Hamlet and Ophelia begin the play with integrated selves and coherent life narratives connected to their cultures, institutions and personal relationships.  Hamlet’s narrative is shattered by his father’s murder, mother’s infidelity, and the treachery of his boyhood friends Rosencrantz and Guildenstern.

Ophelia starts the play strong enough to challenge her brother’s sanctimonious and hypocritical advice.  She ends up dead.  What kills her are men imposing on her what they want her to be and refusing to allow her to compose her own identity.  Her father Polonius manipulates her and uses her against Hamlet.  He violates Ophelia by intercepting Hamlet’s love letters to her.  She is required to return tokens of Hamlet’s love to him.  Hamlet turns on Ophelia brutally.

As the play progresses, Ophelia sees through Claudius, loses trust in Danish institutions, her brother is abroad, and her former boyfriend has rejected her and killed her father.  As Ophelia’s mental health deteriorates Gertrude, who might have been a motherly figure says: “I will not speak with her”.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4hwJ8_mBeiQ

Let Shakespeare speak for Shakespeare, through Ophelia in her “madness” scenes:

Enter QUEEN GERTRUDE, HORATIO, and a Gentleman

QUEEN GERTRUDE

I will not speak with her.

This scene opens with a closure.  In refusing to speak with Ophelia, Gertrude is complicit in the bullying Polonius, Laertes and Hamlet have subjected her to.   Hamlet gives insights into bullying.  A typical bullying strategy is to isolate the victim from his or her social connections: “I will not speak with her”.

HORATIO

She is importunate, indeed distract: Her mood will needs be pitied.

QUEEN GERTRUDE

What would she have?

HORATIO

She speaks much of her father; says she hears There’s tricks i’ the world; and hems, and beats her heart; Spurns enviously at straws; speaks things in doubt, That carry but half sense: her speech is nothing, Yet the unshaped use of it doth move The hearers to collection; they aim at it, And botch the words up fit to their own thoughts; Which, as her winks, and nods, and gestures yield them, Indeed would make one think there might be thought, Though nothing sure, yet much unhappily.

QUEEN GERTRUDE

‘Twere good she were spoken with; for she may strew Dangerous conjectures in ill-breeding minds.

Ophelia’s madness is dangerous enough to unsettle ill-breeding minds – never trust the great unwashed!

Let her come in.

Gertrude only agrees to speak with Ophelia to avoid disorder.  Then her mask slips…

QUEEN GERTRUDE

To my sick soul, as sin’s true nature is, Each toy seems prologue to some great amiss: So full of artless jealousy is guilt, It spills itself in fearing to be spilt.

Re-enter HORATIO, with OPHELIA

OPHELIA

Where is the beauteous majesty of Denmark?

Is Ophelia confused, given that Gertrude is standing in front of her?  Or is she challenging Gertrude, by pretending not to see her?

QUEEN GERTRUDE

How now, Ophelia!

OPHELIA

[Sings] How should I your true love know From another one? By his cockle hat and staff, And his sandal shoon.

QUEEN GERTRUDE

Alas, sweet lady, what imports this song?

OPHELIA

Say you? nay, pray you, mark.

Sings

He is dead and gone, lady, He is dead and gone; At his head a grass-green turf, At his heels a stone.

QUEEN GERTRUDE

Nay, but, Ophelia,–

OPHELIA

Pray you, mark.

Sings

White his shroud as the mountain snow,–

Enter KING CLAUDIUS

QUEEN GERTRUDE

Alas, look here, my lord.

OPHELIA

[Sings] Larded with sweet flowers Which bewept to the grave did not go With true-love showers.

KING CLAUDIUS

How do you, pretty lady?

Claudius addresses her.  Ophelia lines him up:

OPHELIA

Well, God dild you! They say the owl was a baker’s daughter. Lord, we know what we are, but know not what we may be. God be at your table!

‘Dild’ in Elizabethan English means to requite, to give people what is coming to them, for better or worse.  Ophelia is struggling for composure, grasping on to her Christian faith to restore her shattered self.  Lacking full succour from this, she falls back on a cultural narrative, a folk tale of the owl and the baker’s daughter.

In this tale, a wandering Jesus asks for bread from a baker.  The baker gives him bread, but his daughter demands payment.  The daughter is turned into an owl.  Ophelia then says to Claudius: “we know what we are but not what we might be”.  She is saying, “be careful what you might be turned into, especially if you get what you deserve”.

Shakespeare may also be ahead of us, foreseeing unbounded human possibility.  We know what we are.  Shakespeare can see what we might be.

KING CLAUDIUS

Conceit upon her father.

OPHELIA

Pray you, let’s have no words of this; but when they ask you what it means, say you this:

Sings

To-morrow is Saint Valentine’s day, All in the morning betime, And I a maid at your window, To be your Valentine. Then up he rose, and donn’d his clothes, And dupp’d the chamber-door; Let in the maid, that out a maid Never departed more.

KING CLAUDIUS

Pretty Ophelia!

OPHELIA

Indeed, la, without an oath, I’ll make an end on’t:

Sings

By Gis and by Saint Charity, Alack, and fie for shame! Young men will do’t, if they come to’t; By cock, they are to blame. Quoth she, before you tumbled me, You promised me to wed. So would I ha’ done, by yonder sun, An thou hadst not come to my bed.

KING CLAUDIUS

How long hath she been thus?

OPHELIA

I hope all will be well. We must be patient: but I cannot choose but weep, to think they should lay him i’ the cold ground. My brother shall know of it: and so I thank you for your good counsel. Come, my coach! Good night, ladies; good night, sweet ladies; good night, good night.

Exit Ophelia

In a later scene, after an angry Laertes has confronted Claudius, Ophelia reappears.  It horrifies Laertes that a young maid’s wits could be as mortal as an old man’s life.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7iFlBZLNm6g

Ophelia gives herbs and flowers to those around her.

 

OPHELIA

There’s rosemary, that’s for remembrance. Pray, love, remember. And there is pansies, that’s for thoughts.

 

LAERTES

A document in madness – thoughts and remembrance fitted.

 

OPHELIA

There’s fennel for you, and columbines. There’s rue for you; and here’s some for me. We may call it herb-grace o’ Sundays. O, you must wear your rue with a difference! There’s a daisy. I would give you some violets, but they withered all when my father died. They say he made a good end.

In Shakespeare’s time herbs and flowers were cultural symbols.   Rosemary signified remembrance and fidelity, and was used at weddings and funerals.  Daisies symbolised innocence and forsaken love, such as Ophelia’s for Hamlet.  Fennel stood for flattery and adultery, and columbine for ingratitude and unfaithfulness. Ophelia has no violets, signifying trust and loyalty to give to anyone.  Hamlet has not been faithful to her, nor Gertrude to Hamlet senior, nor Claudius to anyone.  There is no loyalty left in Denmark and the state itself is untrustworthy.

Ophelia keeps some rue for herself and hands some to Gertrude.  Rue was a toxic herb the Elizabethan English thought had abortive and contraceptive properties.  Does this suggest Ophelia is pregnant, given her suggestive song?  Perhaps the rue she gives Gertrude is a contraceptive to stop her becoming pregnant to Claudius. Wear your rue with a difference!

Rue symbolizes repentance and sorrow, and is also a herb of grace. The wearers of rue when entering a church dipped it in holy water to seek God’s grace.  Ophelia may be suggesting Gertrude wear rue to seek repentance, while Ophelia wears hers in grief over her father’s death.  Rue therefore has secular and religious interpretations.  Ophelia is struggling between worlds.

Hamlet is a play in which Catholicism, the Protestant reformation and secular worlds are contending.  Of her father’s death, Ophelia says “they say he made a good end”.  This has a deeper meaning for Catholics, connoting sacrament in preparation for death.  The absence of this grace leads to the ghost’s sufferings in purgatory: readiness is all.

Ophelia sings:

Sings

For bonny sweet Robin is all my joy.

 

Ophelia sings snatches of old songs she may have heard as a child.  She seeks solace in reassuring childhood memories.  “Bonny sweet Robin is all my joy” is a line from a Robin Hood ballad. Cultural memes, narratives and languages can help individuals feel they belong to something bigger and more enduring than their mortal selves.

LAERTES

Thought and affliction, passion, hell itself, She turns to favour and to prettiness.

 

OPHELIA

[Sings] And will he not come again? And will he not come again? No, no, he is dead: Go to thy death-bed: He never will come again. His beard was as white as snow, All flaxen was his poll: He is gone, he is gone, And we cast away moan: God ha’ mercy on his soul! And of all Christian souls, I pray God. God be wi’ ye.

Exit

Ophelia’s cultural narrative and sense of self disintegrates. She is friendless in the world, while Hamlet stays connected to Horatio till the end.

Ophelia at her end has only enough volition to drown herself.  Even at her funeral the bullying continues, with a priest castigating her for her suicide.  Her brother and Hamlet fight at her graveside over who is most aggrieved by her death, rather than mourn for her.

In Hamlet the self is fluid, malleable, shaped by social interactions and by narratives.  Healthy people have an integrated sense of self and of the narratives aligned with it that give continuity over time and transcend individuality.  The sense of self is shaped by social relations and by ideas and memes passed on through people.  Destroying these can destroy the self.

Let’s go back to the beginning of the play.  The opening exchanges in Hamlet reflect shattered selves, not integrated people.  The first words are “Who’s there…”?  Francisco asks whether it is Bernardo, and the latter identifies himself in the third person: “He”.  After a further exchange Bernardo asks “Say – what, is Horatio there”?  Horatio replies: “a piece of him”.  Later, Claudius refers to Gertrude as “our sometime sister, and now our queen” and Hamlet as “my cousin Hamlet, and my son”.  Hamlet replies in an ambiguous aside: “A little more than kin and less than kind”.

Key characters in Hamlet describe themselves in the third person, as shattered people, partial people, pieces of people, or as something they are not.

Hamlet struggles with his sense of self and life narrative.  He puts an antic disposition on and loses his sanity episodically.  However, by play’s end he regains his composure.  As he lies dying with sword in hand he affirms his identity.  He asks Horatio to tell his story, so his narrative will outlive him.

Hardly an echo of Ophelia remains in the play.

It is we who must remember her.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QJytwBXQB6g

Posted in Uncategorized | 2 Comments

The upstart crow and why I feel I belong here

Many people drop out of education even where there are no financial or academic reasons for them to do so.  How can we explain this, and do something about it?

People from low socio-economic backgrounds, ethnic and cultural minorities, and women in fields such as physics and engineering can feel they do not belong. In developed countries it is often socio-economic status, rather than for example race and ethnicity, that is most associated with barriers to educational success.

Knowing why people feel they do not belong in an educational institution requires understanding how peoples’ identities interact with identities that institutions support.  Insights can come from someone who left school about age fifteen, who in an age of classical schooling had little Latin and less Greek, and whose knowledge of geography conferred a seacoast on Bohemia.

Shakespeare never went to university, unlike contemporaries such as Christopher Marlowe and Robert Greene.  Greene derided the young Shakespeare as an “upstart crow” who did not belong in the theatre, or no doubt in a university.

Othello is seen as a play about jealousy. It is at deeper levels a play about how one of an individual’s identities can be stigmatised in the eyes of those around him, and so amplified in external perception, and in their own internal self-reflection, that it leads to self-destruction.

Everyone has multiple identities, whether related to age, gender, race, religion, culture, family status, sporting, political or other affiliations.   A life challenge is to move between identities in ways that match them to context.

Othello is set in Venice at a time this trading city state was in conflict with the Turkish over Cyprus.  Venice in both Othello and the Merchant of Venice epitomises the emergence from hierarchal feudalism of cities based on market trade and meritocracy.  Like Shakespeare’s London, Venice was a city where people could rise from nowhere and become prosperous through their abilities rather than blood-line and inheritance.

Othello has several identities; as a Venetian state servant, an older male, a Christian, a Moor, and someone with an exotic cultural past.  However, the only identity that matters to the Duke of Venice and the senators is that of a revered Venetian general.  Othello has won the heart of a beautiful and young white woman, Desdemona.  Desdemona’s father, Brabantio, can see only a black man and not Othello’s other identities.

Othello has an evil and clever enemy, his ensign Iago, whom Othello has passed over for promotion in favour of another soldier, Cassio.  Rodrigo, a failed suitor for Desdemona, also resents Othello.

Rodrigo’s hatred for Othello is jealousy; Iago’s is dislike of the meritocracy that has seen Cassio promoted over his head.

IAGO: Forsooth, a great arithmetician, one Michael Cassio…the bookish theoric…Mere prattle without practice…’Tis the curse of service, preferment goes by letter and affection, and not by old gradation, where each second stood heir to the first.

Shakespeare himself was more prattle than practice.  He did not hew wood, draw water or wield swords, but combined words in ways rewarded in markets.  (He also transformed language, psychology, and human character in the process, but that is an aside).

Iago’s challenge is to detect and exploit Othello’s insecurities, cause him to falsely suspect people around him, and to manipulate him into self-destruction.  Iago intuits that Othello feels insecure due to his identity as a Moor, especially given he has married a white woman.

A key theme in the play is of people seeing, not seeing, or seeing only one part of someone’s identity so the whole person is not seen.  It is also about people being primed to see things that are not true and do not exist. Shakespeare in Othello is centuries ahead of psychological science in his understanding of framing, priming and choice architecture.

The Venetian authorities see Othello’s military identity as magnified in visibility.  At one stage the Duke greets Othello warmly, and then fails initially to see or acknowledge the Venetian senator Brabantio.

DUKE: Valiant Othello, we must straight employ you…  [To Brabantio]: I did not see you.

Othello is a play that grapples with what people are, compared to how they are perceived or painted by others.  Iago himself says: I will wear my heart upon my sleeve for daws to peck at: I am not what I am.

Shakespeare weaves into Othello images of gardening. Iago is a gardener who cultivates the destructive parts of human nature. It is also possible to foster life through “gardening”, to see through people’s outward identities to their uniqueness, and to focus on their strengths and make their weaknesses irrelevant.  This is what excellent teachers do.

Othello begins with a conversation between Iago and Rodrigo about a mysterious and typecast figure called “the Moor”.  The Moor has no name.  He is unseen as a person.  He is referred to only as a brutish type with “thick lips”.  This is the prejudice instilled in the audience before Othello even comes on the stage.  Only later when Othello appears does it become clear he is dignified, intelligent, of high character, and revered in wealthy and powerful Venetian society.

The audience therefore has to choose whether to believe the word picture painted by Iago and Rodrigo or to see the real Othello on the stage.  There is no greater debunking of prejudice in all of literature than the way Shakespeare forces the audience to do the work and to judge on the evidence from the stage.

Iago exploits Rodrigo’s jealousy over Desdemona.  He and Rodrigo incite Brabantio against Othello, using crudely racist language in doing so.  Iago tells Brabantio:

…you have lost half your soul…an old black ram is tupping your white ewe…you’ll have your daughter covered with a Barbary horse; you’ll have your nephews neigh to you…I am one, sir, that comes to tell you your daughter and the Moor are now making the beast with two backs

Brabantio cannot believe his daughter could fall in love with a black man, and accuses Othello of witchcraft or potions that have destroyed Desdemona’s judgement:

She is abused, stolen from me and corrupted by spells and medicines bought of mountebanks; for nature so preposterously to err, being not deficient, blind or lame of sense, sans witchcraft could not.

Brabantio also argues that Othello marrying his daughter will undermine the Venetian state.

For if such actions may have passage free, bond slaves and pagans shall our statesmen be.

These words suggest fears for the state and society, and may be as much about economic class (“bond slaves”) as race.  They are not fears shared by the Duke or the other senators, who see Othello as one of their own.

Othello defends himself in front of the Duke, in a way that highlights Shakespeare’s preternatural genius in conveying meaning through language’s subtlest sounds.

Shakespeare uses tone and cadence to give away barely discernible micro-clues, such as someone losing confidence in himself. Much of Shakespeare’s work is in iambi pentameter, where an unstressed syllable is followed by a stressed one, as in as long lives this and this gives life to thee. This creates a soothing dum-de-dum rhythm like a heartbeat.

When Shakespeare departs from this he signals a change in mood, action, or in a character’s innermost thoughts. Othello’s speech to the Venetian Senate begins:

Most potent, grave, and reverend seigniors, my very noble and approved good masters…

These lines are discordant and do not follow a soothing rhythm. The weak endings jar as Othello unconsciously signals to the senators his inner doubt as whether he is their equal, despite being so in formal standing. How common it is for people in educational or other institutions to feel such self-doubt, an equivocation and an ill-ease, an inner voice asking “are you not a fraud? You don’t belong here, do you?”

Othello is a highly respected Venetian state servant.  The Venetian state accepts multiple identities and can reward one identity and ignore other identities that do not detract from it.  However, the state does not fully reflect the society that surrounds it.  Othello shows how vulnerable a person can be if his equality in law and rights is not complemented by a deep social belief in this equality from the people surrounding him.

Othello defends his love before the Duke, the senators and Brabantio.  He recounts his exotic life history that has helped him win Desdemona.

Of being taken by the insolent foe and sold to slavery, of my redemption thence and portance in my travels’ history, wherein of antres vast and deserts idle, rough quarries, rocks, and hills whose heads touch heaven it was my hint to speak – such was the process – and of the cannibals that each other eat, the Anthropophagi…my story being done, she gave me for my pains, a world of sighs, she swore, in faith, ‘twas strange, ‘twas passing strange…she wished that heaven had made her such a man…she loved me for the dangers I had passed and I loved her that she did pity them.  This only is the witchcraft I have used.

Othello’s exotic story differentiates himself, but also makes him vulnerable because its mystery and remoteness can trigger a fear of the unknown.  However his romantic narrative is validated by Desdemona, the Duke and senators.

Like Cordelia in King Lear, Desdemona defies her father in making clear that she cannot give all her love to her father if she is also to love her husband.  The Duke of Venice and the senators endorse the love between Othello and Desdemona.  In concluding his judgement favouring Othello and Desdemona the Duke urges Brabantio to accept what has happened and move on:

When remedies are past, the griefs are ended/ by seeing the worst, which late in hopes depended/To mourn a mischief that is past and gone/is the next way to draw new mischief on/what cannot be preserved when Fortune takes/patience her injury a mockery makes/The robbed that smiles steals something from the thief/he robs himself that spends a bootless grief.

The Duke of Venice would have made an interesting chairman of the Waitangi Tribunal!

The Duke’s final words to Brabantio signal that Othello’s high standing as a military leader, state servant, and above all as a man override any identity he has as a black man:

…noble signior, if virtue no delighted beauty lack, your son-in-law is far more fair than black.

These words however still imply that blackness is perceived as negative, if it is not overridden by other positive identities.

There is a testy exchange between Iago and Desdemona where Iago’s “wit” reflects his misogyny as well as his cultural prejudice:

IAGO:…You are pictures out of doors, bells in your parlors, wildcats in your kitchens, saints in your injuries, devils being offended, players in your housewifery, and housewives in your beds.

DESDEMONA: O, fie upon thee, slanderer!

IAGO: Nay it is true, or else I am a Turk: you rise to play and go to bed to work…If she be fair and wise, fairness and wit, the one’s for use, the other useth it.

DESDEMONA: Well praised!  How if she be black and witty?

IAGO: If she be black, and thereto have a wit, she’ll find a white that shall her blackness fit.

The association between fair skin and beauty and goodness was embedded in English culture in Shakespeare’s time, with Shakespeare challenging it in sonnets 127 and 130.

Shakespeare gave black and Jewish people a presence on the stage at a time when society had not mandated it.  He made culture, racial and political identities subservient to other universal human affinities such as love, friendship and pity.

Shakespeare did not believe in blood-line identity and privilege any more than he believed in the divine right of kings, the right of authority to tongue-tie his art, hubristic honour, the law’s delay, or the proud man’s contumely.

Shakespeare disparaged family blood-line affiliations in Romeo and Juliet.  In the Merchant of Venice, Shylock’s common humanity is seen despite his uncommon inhumanity.  Morocco, a black, is a credible suitor for Portia (who disparages Neopolitan, Palatine, French, English and German suitors and comes across in places more like a snobbish legal pedant than as a voice of merciful justice). Shylock’s daughter Jessica marries a Christian, defying racial, cultural and religious taboos in doing so.

The Nazi regime banned Othello.  The American strictures against miscegenation  meant that until the mid-twentieth century Othello was played by white actors, or those of indeterminate racial identity.  Paul Robeson felt that playing Othello on the stage as a black man liberated him from racism.

The great Afro-American writer Maya Angelou wrote that reading Shakespeare’s sonnet 29, as a little black girl who had been abandoned by her parents and abused, saved her life by speaking for her.  It connected her to Shakespeare, and then to great literature, and this saved her self-regard and gave her the intellectual foundation for her stellar literary career.

Shakespeare’s own father, like Dickens’s, fell on hard times.  Shakespeare himself would have felt the disgrace of fathering his first child out of wedlock at age eighteen.

When, in disgrace with fortune and men’s eyes/ I all alone beweep my outcast state/ and trouble deaf heaven with my bootless cries/ and look upon myself and curse my fate/ wishing me like to one more rich in hope/featured like him, like him with friends possessed/ desiring this man’s art and that man’s scope/ with what I most enjoy contented least/ yet in these thoughts myself almost despising/ haply I think on thee, and then my state/ like to the lark at break of day arising/ from sullen earth sings hymns at heaven’s gate/ for thy sweet love remembered such wealth brings/that then I scorn to change my state with kings’.

This poem captures the feelings of those who stand alone and friendless with luck against them and society looking down upon them.  It restores their spirits when they reflect it was written by the only truly universal human genius, who was once on the bottom, with them.

Brabantio accepts Desdemona’s affirmation of her love for Othello, however his parting remarks contribute to Othello’s later suspicion of his wife’s fidelity:

Look to her, Moor, if thou has eyes to see; she has deceived her father, and may thee.

It can take just a few seeds of self-doubt to grow and overwhelm one’s trust in oneself, in others, and in the world.

Desdemona sees past the image of an admired military leader (and of course past colour), and sees the authentic soul of a man she loves as himself.  I saw Othello’s visage in my mind.  As Othello says, she had eyes and chose me.  However, Othello had been primed by a society to suspect himself, denying him the opportunity to truly love himself, and let others love him.  Iago himself says “I never found man that knew how to love himself.”

Brabantio’s words make it easy for Othello to believe Iago’s later insinuations that Desdemona has been unfaithful.  Iago’s skill is to get Othello to think things that he does not want to think, and to make conscious subconscious doubts he has about himself and about Desdemona’s fidelity.  Underlying this is Othello’s own doubt about his racial identity and his age compared to Desdemona:

for I am black/and have not those soft parts of conversation/that chamberers have, or that I am declined/into the vale of years

Othello worries about how he is perceived and what others may be doing or saying behind his back, while the moon winks.

Iago’s manipulations mean that Othello loses the ability to see Desdemona’s love.  He fails to see what is there, and “sees” only what is not there.

Iago cloyingly says to Othello that “men should be what they seem…beware, my lord, of jealousy!  It is the green-eyed monster, which doth mock the meat it feeds on”. 

Othello cannot self-determine because he is competent and autonomous on a battlefield but lacks social relationships and networks that traverse different identities and lets him switch between them as the context changes.  He lacks deep friendships outside his military and state servant circle, and has not established trusting family relationships outside his marriage, for example with his father-in-law.  He cannot fall back on cultural and racial peers in Venice.

Iago isolates Othello from his ensign and friend by getting Cassio drunk, knowing he will disgrace himself.   Cassio regrets that man should put an enemy in their mouths, to steal their brains.  Othello has no choice but to sack him.  Iago then manipulates Desdemona into speaking up in Cassio’s defence, thus cultivating Othello’s suspicion that Cassio is having a love affair with her.

The stigma Othello had been subject to was ego-depleting and allowed Iago to seed and fuel his suspicions and therefore corrode Othello’s judgement.  Iago dupes his wife Emelia into stealing a handkerchief that Othello had given to Desdemona.  This handkerchief is a trifle, but is steeped in Othello’s cultural narrative and connects him to his exotic past lifeAs Iago says:

Trifles as light as air/are to the jealous confirmations strong as holy writ.

Iago is able to link this love token to Cassio and therefore to provide the ocular proof that confirms Othello’s doubts about Desdemona’s fidelity.

When Othello finally snaps, he breaks with his military life and with a core identity:

Farewell the tranquil mind!  Farewell content!!  Farewell the plumed troop and the big wars that make ambition virtue.  O, farewell, farewell the neighing steed and the shrill trump, the spirit-stirring drum, the ear-piercing fife, the royal banner, and all quality, pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious war… Farewell!  Othello’s occupation’s gone!

Othello farewells his military occupation and identity and can move to no other and live and let live.

As Desdemona sees Othello’s deteriorating psychological state she recalls a family memory:

My mother had a maid called Barbary; she was in love, and he she loved proved mad and did forsake her.  She had a song of “willow”; and she died singing it.  That song tonight will not go from my mind; I have much to do but to go hang my head all at one side and sing it like poor Barbary…

Shakespeare may be suggesting that Desdemona’s mother had a black maid (“Barbary”) who may have paved the way for Desdemona’s ability to love a black man.  Desdemona sings the song she remembers, vaguely reminiscent of Gertrude’s account of Ophelia’s drowning:

The poor soul sat sighing by a sycamore tree/sing all of a green willow/ her hand on her bosom, her head on her knee/ sing willow, willow, willow/ The fresh streams ran by her, and murmured her moans/ sing willow, willow, willow/ her salt tears fell from her, and softened the stones…sing all a green willow must be my garland/ Let nobody blame him; his scorn I approve.

Othello’s thoughts turn to murder:

Yet she must die, else she’ll betray more men.  Put out the light, and then put out the light.  If I quench thee, thou flaming minister, I can again thy former light restore, should I repent me; but once put out the light, thou cunning’st pattern of excelling nature, I know not where is that Promethean heat that can thy light relume.  When I have pluck’d the rose, I cannot give it vital growth again…

The ultimate proof of Desdemona’s fidelity and her love for Othello comes as she lies dying from his violence.

EMELIA: Who hath done this deed?

DESDEMONA: Nobody; I myself.  Farewell; commend me to my kind lord.

Desdemona absolves her husband of her murder in her last words, forgiving him.

Emelia exposes Iago’s trickery and culpability and Iago murders her.  After he has killed Desdemona, Othello has destroyed his future and decides to kill himself.   His choice of last words will determine which of his multiple identities he wishes to be remembered for.

Soft you, a word or two before you go.  I have done the state some service, and they know it.  No more of that.  I pray you, in your letters, when you shall these unlucky deeds relate, speak of me as I am; nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice.  Then must you speak of one that loved not wisely but too well; of one not easily jealous, but, being wrought, perplexed in the extreme; of one whose hand, like the base Indian, threw a pearl away richer than all his tribe; of one whose subdued eyes, albeit unused to the melting mood, drop tears as fast as the Arabian trees their medicinal gum.  Set you down this; and say besides, than in Aleppo once, where a malignant and a turbaned Turk, beat a Venetian and traduced the state, I …smote him, thus.  [Stabs himself]…

Othello’s farewell speech affirms his identity not as a black, an exotic Moor or a Christian but as a Venetian state servant.  It is this identity, not race, ethnicity or cultural background that he wants to be remembered for.  He has affirmed the identity through which he has achieved standing in a society that he was otherwise a stranger to.

After he has stabbed himself, Othello’s last thoughts and words are for his wife whose death has extinguished the last light in his world:

I kissed there ere I killed thee.  No way but this, killing myself, to die upon a kiss.

The Venetian senators punish Iago for his treachery and for his wife’s murder.  They validate Othello.  In doing so they accept Othello as one of their own, even though some of his identities differed from theirs.  Their fairness and respect for Othello auger well for the European Enlightenment that came after Shakespeare’s time and which he helped seed.

What practical lessons can we draw from Othello?  Meritocracy should prevail over primogeniture or hierarchal privilege.  People should express their identity which best matches a context.  Othello should not try to succeed as a Moor outside a Moor cultural context, any more than he should be warlike outside his military life.

Educational advancement depends on stretching people and challenging them to move beyond themselves.  If people look inwardly and narrowly within a closed group they limit learning, intellectual stretch, cut themselves off from wider identities and networks and forego future opportunities in life. They also expose themselves to affinity fraud.

However, people are hard-wired to recognize cues of coalitional identity of any sort.  Although cultural and racial differences are only skin deep they are also obvious and can trigger group affiliations.

Cultural or racial group identities may help some people who would otherwise feel isolated, and bolster their defences against stereotypical threat.  These identities can be a hook into educational recruitment and retention and help sustain students to the point where they can develop richer and more diverse identities and then a paramount focus on their academic identity.

Educational institutions must be both identity-congruent and identity-multiplicative.  They must connect with at least one of a student’s identities, and then foster pathways to others.  If a student then has a sense of belonging setbacks will not be attributed to identity and will be overcome.

Culture, race and socio-economic background can still matter in education, even if we would like to assume them away.  Affirmative action may be needed. This is not to exacerbate differences between people, but to help them to see what Shakespeare saw, that the only true light in the darkness comes from universal human affinities, without which it is put out the light and then put out the light, and then regret it.

Posted in Papers | Tagged , , , , , | Leave a comment

Some working propositions on human capital development

Some working propositions on human capital development

This paper suggests some working propositions on human capital development and outcomes associated with it. These propositions are that:

  • investing in the earliest human development stages must be top priority
  • socio-economic status is the major factor associated with human capital development and socio-economic outcomes
  • concerted cultivation gives better outcomes than natural cultivation parenting styles
  • Self-regulation and ability are expandable not fixed resources
  • Identity and narratives matter, people have multiple identities and have to match them to context

Investing in the earliest human development stages must be a top priority

Who has children, and how many, shapes society.   Cognitive ability depends on who your parents are, some genetic variation, and on environmental and sociological influences starting in the first nine months and carrying through into childhood and beyond.

Better educated parents and especially mothers have healthier children with a better start in life (Currie & Moretti, 2002). A mother’s cognitive ability and education is a good predictor of childrens’ outcomes. Maternal IQ can influence child cognitive development genetically and through parenting.

Earliest development stages shape us irreversibly

The earliest human development stages have enormous effects on cognitive and non-cognitive skill development (Gluckman & Hanson 2006; Gluckman, 2009). The first nine months shapes us irreversibly. No innate genetic potential for intelligence will be fully realised if there is poor nutrition or severe damage from a mother’s ingestion of lead, alcohol or other harmful substances (see Chasnoff et al, 1998).

Epigenetics is the science of permanent gene expression in response to environmental influences. Before birth a foetus takes a “biochemical weather forecast” of the world it is likely to be born into (Gluckman, 2009). If the forecast is for favourable weather it will develop anticipating a long and peaceful life that favours long-term investments such as in cognitive development. If however the mother is subject to stress due to factors such as poverty or domestic violence, development may favour the physique and psychology needed to survive an uncertain and potentially dangerous world. In effect, fight or flight responses will be favoured over cognitive development.

A child’s early formative stages have an epigenetic, genetic and socialisation element. For example, a gene variant that predicts male conduct disorder and violence is most strongly expressed when child-rearing environments are adverse.

Any negative epigenetic impacts at foetal stage can be compounded by capricious and high variance childhoods, and a lack of parental stimulation and intimacy. Children exposed to a capricious environment will tend to focus on the short-term and lack the self-regulation needed for staying power. When they become young adults they often take high risks in the hope of short-term payoffs, however they may fear uncertainty.

Touching a baby or child, for example through hugs or combing hair, is a sign of surplus parental energy and time that provides subtle assurance that ongoing care can be relied on. Caregiver touch is therefore nurturing because it signals ongoing capacity to give (Field,1995). This relationship between nurturing (or the lack of it) and outcomes occurs in other species. Experimentally, when young animals are deprived of early stimulation and interaction with mothers their gene expression is altered in ways making them more susceptible to later life diseases.

Earliest childhood shapes lifelong health

Early childhood-related health problems can cast a long shadow through later life and into future generations. They are strongly associated with socio-economic status. Socio-economic status (SES) refers to a range of factors such as income, net worth, education, and the mind-sets and aspirations relating to individual and family advancement.

Cutler et al (2008) note that poor childhood health begets limited means in adulthood which in turn begets poor childhood health for the next generation. Some problems can be nutritionally-related, such as lack of trace elements and micronutrients, iron deficiency, and the effects of energy-rich but nutrient-poor diets.

Low childhood SES is associated with an increased risk of substance dependence and poor adult health over a wide range of dimensions. For example, Moffitt et al (2011) observed that individuals from low SES childhood backgrounds visit dentists less often in adulthood than those from a high SES upbringing.

Melchior et al (2007) conclude that a range of low SES factors studied accounted for 55-67% of poor health outcomes among adults from low SES childhood backgrounds.

Cognitive ability is shaped in earliest childhood

At least 50% of lifetime earnings variability among people is due to attributes determined by age eighteen (Heckman & Mosso, 2014). The ability to change neural circuitry is highest early in life and decreases with time (Knudsen et al, 2006). Core skills such as literacy and numeracy are shaped early and failure causes long-term problems (Wolf, 2002; Arnold & Doctoroff, 2003). Children’s cognitive and non-cognitive skills diverge at early stages between families of different parental income (Heckman & Mosso, 2014).

Heckman & Mosso (2014) concluded that IQ can be improved in lasting ways up to age three and perhaps later. Supportive sociological conditions need to be in place. Evidence from adoption and cross-fostering studies involving different SES groups suggests that around half the IQ disparity between children is experiential (Capron & Duyme, 1989).

Cognitive ability is wider than measured IQ

Cognitive ability is wider than IQ. Achievement tests such as the US SAT predict later achievement better than narrower IQ tests (Heckman & Kautz, 2012).

High levels of non-cognitive skills promote higher levels of cognitive skills, so skill stocks are synergistic (Cunha & Heckman, 2008). Heckman & Kautz (2012) observe that stable personality traits exist, and they predict and cause outcomes. Soft skills and character can be learned, and prevailing culture and social norms shape them.

In the US, the GED achievement test is given to school dropouts to let them demonstrate a high school graduate’s general knowledge. Those dropouts who achieve the GED at the same level as high school graduates still have worse outcomes, essentially because they lack other difficult to measure skills. After adjusting for cognitive ability, GED recipients are indistinguishable from dropouts, whereas high school graduates have higher incomes. Controlling for family background does not change this (Heckman & Kautz, 2012).

Quality early childhood education is a good investment

 

Early childhood is so important that the human, social and personal predictors of unemployment reach back to early childhood and begin to shape labour-market outcomes years before youth enter the work force (Caspi et al,1998).

Quality early childhood education (ECE) and remedial interventions have high returns over the lifecycle. Identifying and addressing learning disorders as early as possible and using early childhood interventions that “scaffold” children and supplement parenting have strongly positive longer-term effects.

Early intervention is more effective than targeting disadvantaged adolescents (Heckman & Mosso, 2014). Evidence in Doyle et al (2009) shows excellent returns from good ECE. Adult education programmes attempting to remediate educational neglect produces poor results for most individuals (Knudsen et al, 2006). These programmes may enhance social cohesion and help people fully participate in society, however they are not as good an investment as ECE.

Cunha & Heckman (2009) point out there is no equity-efficiency trade-off for investment in the capabilities of disadvantaged children. However there is a trade-off for investment in cognitive skills of disadvantaged adolescents and adults, though the trade-off is less dramatic for investment in non-cognitive skills.

For severely disadvantaged adults with low capabilities, subsidising work and welfare may be better in alleviating poverty than skills investment (see Heckman & Masterov, 2007; Cunha & Heckman, 2009).

Youth transitions are critical

Adolescent development and youth transitions to adulthood are critical. The early teen and adolescent years see young people adapt to physical and sexual development. This races ahead of their intellectual and emotional maturity, rationality, and ability to manage risk. They are developing their individual identity and crave group identity and peer recognition.

Important in late teens are secondary-tertiary transitions. Participating in the workforce while still at school is valuable. It is at the late teenage stage where the best adolescent interventions feature mentoring and scaffolding. Integrating work experience with traditional education can be valuable (Heckman & Mosso, 2014).

Differential susceptibility (or “orchid-dandelion” theory) argues that young people can be like dandelions surviving over a wide environmental range, or be like orchids struggling in most environments but flourishing in the right hothouse conditions. This emerging field may deepen our future understanding of late teen and early adulthood interventions.

The social capital built up in childhood shapes how teenagers address challenges and opportunities. This social capital will include aspirations, self-respect, how life choices and risk profiles associated with them are perceived, and the balance between today’s temptations and future human capital and other investment.

Low self-esteem during adolescence predicts negative real-world consequences during adulthood (Trzesnieski et al, 2006). Young people with little social or health capital may be more likely to take up hazardous consumption and shun investments in human capital. This raises their likelihood of a “rags to rags” sequence.

Youth from deprived backgrounds may have lower expectations of future success, independent of choices they make. Clarke et al (2006) found that fifteen year olds’ expectations of success predict the subsequent onset of smoking, lack of exercise, and failure to complete high school. While some of the influence of expectations can be explained by low social and health capital, IQ and other factors, expectations retain a direct effect on smoking and exercise once these other factors are controlled for.

Expectations are a better predictor of grades for socio-economically advantaged than for disadvantaged children. Small social-psychological interventions that target students’ expectations about school can lead to enduring gains in student achievement (Yeager & Walton, 2011).

Social-psychological interventions do not teach content. They set in play recursive social, psychological and intellectual processes. These interventions are especially important at key academic junctures. They are best delivered indirectly or even “stealthily”, that is without the knowledge of those whose behaviour is being changed. As such they do not feel controlling and they minimise resistance to the message. Interventions delivered stealthily do not stigmatize students as if they need help because of inherent failures, perceptions of which can reduce achievement.

Socio-economic status is the major factor associated with human capital development and socio-economic outcomes

In developed countries socio-economic status, rather than for example race and ethnicity, is the major factor associated with education and socio-economic outcomes. Lynch & Oakford (2014) report that black and Hispanic children in wealthier states such as Massachusetts and New Jersey outperformed their white counterparts in poorer states such as Alabama and West Virginia in the eighth grade maths component in the 2013 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP).

Socio-economic status shapes the family environment and therefore the parental and wider social environment children are subject to. Family environment in early years and parenting are critical determinants in shaping the lifetime skill base. Through dynamic complementarities they enhance the productivity of downstream investments. Family characteristics are often more predictive of student results than the characteristics of the schools themselves.   The greatest sources of differences in school achievement come from what children bring to school from their home and social environment.

Family income is only loosely correlated with the resources available to a child, for it is parenting rather than income that most matters. This is reflected in the high educational and wider achievement of immigrant minority groups who may start out poor in a new country but rapidly become socially mobile.

However, money does matter and relative poverty can be associated with higher fertility. This means resources of time, parental attention and money may be spread thinly. Teenage pregnancy is indirectly caused by poverty. It can be a rational choice for poorly-educated females for whom motherhood confers identity and gives access to resources. Birth order can also matter, especially for resource-constrained families. First-born children can receive relatively more early child investment than later ones (Hotz & Pantano, 2013).

Relative poverty and rank status inequality is stressful. Lynch & Oakford (2014) summarise a mass of US evidence that children from poorer households are relatively backward in other cognitive capabilities, and that poor early child development is associated with parental stress and with a lack of emotional support and cognitive stimulation for children.

High levels of childhood stress can have negative effects on cognitive development. This impacts particularly on the parts of the brain that support working memory, long-term memory, spatial processing and pattern recognition (Hackman & Farah, 2009).

Stress generates hormones which affect the brain (Gunnar & Quevedo, 2007). Mothers subject to chronic stress while pregnant have babies with lower mental development at twelve months (Davis & Sandman, 2010). The longer a child lives under stressful conditions the higher the basal levels of the stress hormone cortisol (Evans & Kim, 2007).

People under stress can become overwhelmed, and this can lead to using the wrong brain structure for a task. Stress can see the basal ganglia (which controls instinct and automatic behaviour) overcome the hippocampus (we forget things) and the pre-frontal cortex (we forget things or act irrationally). For example, someone under stress who should be thinking rationally can revert to automaticity controlled by the basal ganglia, leading for example to temporary child neglect.

Stress can have second order or indirect consequences. For example, women’s earnings can be lower because they have more distractions at home and they go into occupations allowing them to address home-life problems.

The conditions low SES children are subject to can harm development of language, working memory, task planning and impulse control. Low executive function can be especially harmful for self-regulation. Executive function is influenced by parent-child interactions in infancy. Low SES children suffer underdevelopment of the left perisylvian/language system and the pre-frontal executive system (Nobel et al 2007; Farah et al, 2006).

The executive system and function is from the prefrontal cortex brain structure. It enables flexible responding to non-routine situations where new information must be understood and responded to. Early executive function is a robust predictor of later academic achievement (Blair & Diamond, 2008).

Lawson et al (2013) show that childhood SES predicts executive function performance and measures of pre-frontal cortical functions, and that parental education significantly predicts cortical thickness.

Having nurturing parents at age four is related to the volume of the hippocampus (a crucial memory structure) at age fourteen. For children aged 22-44 months, simple sentence structure does not differ among SES groups but complex structure does. Low SES explains around 30% of variance in language ability (Noble et al, 2007). Language and vocabulary are critical because language is the medium through which most knowledge and skills are taught. High vocabulary correlates with real work ability (Hirsch, 2013).

Concerted cultivation delivers greater benefits than natural cultivation parenting styles

Two simplistic and contrasting models can be used to make tractable complex relationships between parenting and SES status: “concerted cultivation” versus “natural cultivation” (Lareau, 2011).

Higher SES parents tend to have a concerted cultivation parenting style involving intensive and structured parental input and organised children’s activities. They stimulate their children with lots of toys, trips, cultural experiences, sport and music. They engage their children more and increase the formative value of sport and cultural activities (Lareau, 2011).

High SES parents reason with and verbally joust with their children, giving them choices, and encouraging them to think for themselves and to challenge parents and teachers. They ask open-ended questions to encourage speech growth and adaptability. Their children are exposed to more words and develop richer vocabularies.

Lower SES parents adopt a more natural cultivation style where children are given more freedom and have to entertain themselves or be “entertained” passively with digital games or television. They have fewer active and engaged educational and cultural experiences and less exposure to reading and language. Hancox et al ( 2005) argue that excessive television viewing in childhood may have long-lasting adverse effects on educational achievement and well-being. It is unclear what the future effects of excessive electronic device and social media use may be.

Lower SES parents typically work in jobs with low autonomy. They therefore adopt more authoritarian parenting styles emulating their low working life autonomy. Their children are more subservient to adults, less creatively contrarian and less able to wing it among strangers. They are accustomed to black and white decisions or yes or no answers and this inhibits child response and speech development.

Concerted cultivation tends to create a greater sense of entitlement and a higher sense of available possibilities. Natural cultivation can see children feel constraint and limitations on what they can achieve.

Wider social connectedness is associated with good outcomes

A higher SES upbringing develops the non-kin relationships needed in modern economies and in the professional jobs they create. Social connectedness is an important pathway from adolescence to adult wellbeing (Olsson et al, 2012). Participation in clubs and other groups widens young peoples’ social interactions and exposes them to more ideas and more people outside kinship groups (see McGee et al, 2006). This latter is important as the wider one’s social networks the more opportunities become available and the more people get used to social variety, diversity and change. This hones the social skills needed in complex and changing workplaces where autonomous decision-making and self-management are required.

Human psychology has its origins in selfish gene, inclusive fitness logic, in kin-based relationships and in reciprocal, face-to-face trade. However, as societies become more complex, trade, cooperation and supporting institutions become impersonal. Institutions develop to create abstractions or symbolic representations of physical wealth. This allows capital to be leveraged for purposes of accumulation, borrowing, applying time value to money and allowing impersonal trade (de Soto, 2000).

In hunter-gatherer times there were no banks or superannuation schemes and so our ancient ancestors saved through reciprocal altruism. They survived by sharing a surplus today and banking up a sense of obligation that this favour will be returned when fortunes are reversed. Survival depended on consumption and there was no conception of capital or capital productivity. That is why people innately understand jobs and labour productivity but not capital productivity. It is why economic growth is associated with job growth rather than trade betterment or capital formation and why misguided theories such as the labour theory of value emerge.

In evolutionary times, resources were subject to effort-independent random variance as a result of seasonal, climatic and other factors. Sharing in situations of resource variance produces average net gains to participants because it shifts resources to those with higher marginal returns (Petersen et al, 2012).

However, high effort-independent variance in economic activities at the individual through to the macroeconomic level makes it impossible to achieve economic growth. It discourages savings, asset development, accumulation and future-oriented education and skill development. It triggers an ethic of widespread sharing for today rather than accumulation and human capital creation for tomorrow.

Not surprisingly, cultures that have more traditional and kinship-based relationships can have a live for today ethos based on tangible physical resources. Other cultures leverage abstract property rights from physical assets in ways underpinning future-oriented investment, and capital accumulation and sophisticated trade.

A psychology of future-oriented capability development and asset formation builds awareness of long-term ends rather than short-term consumption opportunities. Holding assets is associated with better socio-economic outcomes (Bryner & Paxton, 2001) and with childrens’ educational attainment (Zhan & Sherraden, 2003). It focuses children on future-oriented capability development rather than a hand to mouth consumption or living for today ethos.

High SES children do better in education

Low SES children suffer poorer parenting and compromised early environments over several dimensions (Heckman & Mosso, 2014). This affects educational performance. Higher SES parents connect better to the education system since they have themselves navigated the system and because educators are often peers. Lower SES parents may hand their children to educational institutions rather than be actively engaged with those institutions. These children can also be vulnerable to low teacher expectations as well as negative parental attitudes and peer influences.

Higher SES children are therefore able to disproportionately benefit from access to higher education because they have the necessary skill bases to benefit from it. Lower SES children are less able to benefit from university even where assisted by financial subsidies as wider skill bases as well as financial resources matter.

This has educational funding implications. Public investments in education lead to different outcomes independent of resource inputs. Increased public funding of education may not necessarily reduce educational inequality. More skilled parents increase the productivity of public investments. Public investments may or may not “close the gaps”, depending on patterns of substitutability with parental skills and private investments.

Bowen et al (2009) estimate that reductions in tuition costs can increase completion rates for students from the poorest backgrounds. There is also evidence that class size influences achievement and that reducing class sizes benefits lower SES children (Arnold & Doctoroff, 2003).

However, untargeted increased spending on education can increase inequality and lower net national income by creating “Mathew effects” (“to he who has shall be given even more”). It can increase “Red Queen races” where people have to run harder just to stay in the same place, and amplify credential inflation which increases total education costs and therefore places exceptionally high burdens on low income people.   This suggests that targeted rather than universal public investment in education may be more effective for social mobility.

Lower SES children have some advantages

Lower SES parents and children may have some advantages. They often spend more time together as a family and have closer links to kin. They may enter into more cooperative arrangements to share childcare and this can build stronger links, especially with kin.

High SES childrens’ organised activities can often replace rather than provide family interactions. Lower SES siblings may fight less and be more supportive of each other. They may listen more closely to others and be more differential to authority figures, which may be helpful in some environments. Kraus & Keltner (2008) find that high SES children can be less engaged in conversations with others because they are more self-reliant.

Higher SES children can whine more, be bored more easily and be less compliant with parental demands. They may initially appear older than low SES ones, however this can reverse in early adulthood. They may be more dependent on their parents even as adults.

Parents who protect their children from failure can make it more difficult for them later in life. While concerted cultivation helps children adapt well to today’s institutions, will this be true in future if these institutions struggle to adapt to technological, social or environmental change?

Self-regulation and ability are expandable not fixed resources

Self-regulation and will power are important traits needed in sticking at tasks and in foregoing immediate gratification in favour of longer term study, saving and investment. Conscientiousness predicts educational attainment, health and labour market outcomes as strongly as measures of academic ability (Heckman & Kautz, 2012).

Self-regulation, patience and staying power are fundamental determinants of educational performance and working life achievement. Higher cognitive ability is closely associated with higher patience, and is especially important with complex tasks (Heckman & Mosso, 2012).

Self-regulation is shaped from the first nine months and into childhood and later life stages and is influenced by external environmental influences.   Childhood self-control predicts physical health, substance dependence, personal finances, and criminal offending outcomes.

Effects of children’s self-control can be disentangled from their intelligence and social standing. Interventions addressing self-control might reduce many societal costs. Moffitt et al (2011), in a study of sibling cohorts found that siblings with lower self-control had poorer outcomes, despite shared family background.

Self-regulation is a competency that can be developed and helps lead to choices in life and self-determination. The Ryan & Deci self-determination model holds that competence and autonomy give rise to self-determination and therefore control over one’s life (Ryan & Deci 2000). Self-determination depends on competency, relatedness to others, and an autonomous sense of personal responsibility. Where these traits are present they give rise to self-determination.

Self-regulation, as opposed to externally-imposed regulation depends on high intrinsic motivations. Intrinsic motivations for self-control thrive in an environment of external support, security, predictability and relatedness to others (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Relatedness to others is an important influence on self-regulation and self-determination. Self-regulation may improve when demands on self-control are especially strong, however, there needs to be a balance between extrinsic and intrinsic motivations and an understanding of how they interact.

External threats and rewards can diminish intrinsic motivation. This is because they conduce towards an externally-perceived locus of causality. Excessive, coercive regulation means people disown responsibility. Extrinsic influence must therefore be autonomy-supportive. Teachers who are autonomy-supportive catalyse in their students greater intrinsic motivation and the self-regulation associated with it.

Some religious beliefs can reinforce self-regulation by economising on cognitive energy and inducing something akin to a placebo effect. However such religious belief can also stifle expressivity and autonomy and channel energies in unproductive ways.

There are competing views on whether self-regulation is a limited resource that can be depleted by use (the “ego depletion” theory) or is expandable. Duckworth & Seligman (2005) argue that self-control is a limited resource. People may make short-term and irrational decisions because they have limited cognitive energy and attention. This scarce resource is focused on short-term problem solving driven by poverty and low human capital. In contrast, better paid people can pay attention in learning and at work because they have more “comfort goods” and fewer other things to distract them (see Banerjee & Mullthainathan 2008; Mullthainathan & Shafir 2013).

Job et al (2013a) argue that self-regulation and willpower are not limited resources and that people do better when they think of them as unlimited. They find that students who believe in an unlimited theory of self-regulation had better time management and less procrastination than those believing self-regulation is limited.

People also do better when they think that abilities can be expanded rather than being a fixed resource. Dweck (2006) argues some people have a fixed mindset and believe their abilities are immutable. Others have a growth mindset believing they will do as well as they are prepared to work. The former fear failure while the latter learn from it to improve performance.

How parents and educators frame and communicate abilities to support either a fixed or growth mindset has profound implications. Some students believe when they sit an exam they are starting with 100% and every mistake they make will cost them marks. Others consider they are starting with nothing and the harder they work the higher their marks.

Children’s motivation and persistence is encouraged by emphasising effort rather than intelligence (Kamins & Dweck, 1999). Praise for intelligence can undermine motivation and performance because it implies a fixed endowment that is a ceiling rather than a floor. It is better to say “you did well because you worked hard”, not “you did well because you are smart”. Teaching students that intelligence is malleable will buffer students from some negative stereotypes in school (Yeager & Walton, 2011).

While the effectiveness of the growth mind-set in boosting achievement is clear, mechanisms underlying this are less well understood. The brain can grow connections and become smarter as it works on more challenging tasks. There may also be something akin to a placebo effect at work, and this may interact with other variables.

For abilities to be malleable, people have to believe them to be so. Persuading students that cognitive ability can be grown can lead to higher achievement levels (Yeager & Walton, 2011).   School achievement is predicted by self-perceived abilities even after IQ is accounted for. Some evidence suggests that self-perceived abilities have some genetic rather than just environmental elements (Greven et al, 2009).

Identity and narrative matters, people have multiple identities and have to be matched to context

Consciousness researchers argue there is no “ghost in the machine” and that consciousness “makes up” a sense of individual identity to construct meaning from the world. This identity or sense of “I” seeks patterns in group identity and a coherent explanatory narrative. People seek connections to something wider than themselves that overcomes their sense of isolation. Abandoned children will cling on to one photo or other memento of the parents who deserted them.

The brain, faced with environmental stimuli, must decide on what is relevant and exclude irrelevancies. The brain creates missing information to fill in gaps and confirm a pattern it imagines should be there. Pattern, narrative and accumulated prejudices can build on valid assumptions and economise on cognitive energy that would otherwise be expended making things up afresh.

People lacking a coherent narrative and with little sense of transcendental identity or continuity over time seek immediate sensation as well as blocking out of self-reflection. Terror management theory contends that cultures, symbolic systems and narratives that make individuals feel part of something transcendental (such as an intergenerational group that survives individual mortality) imbue life with meaning and help overcome fear.

Learning builds on past foundations. Learning is cumulative and so curricula have to be designed to build knowledge cumulatively and coherently. Higher SES groups can engage in more academic rather than applied or vocational learning at secondary school. This often engages them in cultural heritage whether it be Shakespeare, classics, and languages (including “non-utilitarian” ones such as Latin).

This helps build up a sense of long-term cultural heritage, identity and narrative which connects people to their antecedents and to what will come after. This gives people perspective. This is most powerful when it constitutes a whakapapa of the mind rather than a more narrowly channelled kinship-based whakapapa. It also helps when it is outwards rather than inwards-looking.

Identity can shape outcomes (Akerlof & Kranton 2002; 2010). By young adulthood most people have well-developed group identities or a compelling need for them. Humans evolved in groups for such purposes as optimising sustainable food harvesting over discrete areas, while defending themselves from out-groups. Group identity evolved both a double standard of morality between in and out groups and the cultural markers to reinforce this.

Identity as part of a group provides access to resources and confers protection to an individual. Feeling part of a group economises on scarce cognitive energy, for example by giving a set of culturally heuristic rules of thumb that avoid the cognitive burden of making things up from first principles. Pride helps motivation (Williams & Destono, 2008) and pride in group identity can enhance performance.

Identities shape how individuals perceive and respond to opportunities. When individuals are insecure they can identify with groups who they perceive provide protection from out-group threats. People can attribute exaggerated influence to others or to enemies to compensate for reduced control over their own environment. Group leaders’ status reflects how people within a group perceive their ability to protect the in-group. Not surprisingly, group leaders can have incentives to amplify or even create external group threats.

Group identity will often be cultural. Cultural factors impinge on educational outcomes, however underlying economic circumstances give rise to culture more than the other way round.

With greater social complexity, identities become more multivariate. People have multiple identities relating to gender, age, race, ethnicity, religion, political beliefs, sporting affiliation, community position, job, profession and a host of other identities. The identity most to the fore at any time must be matched to the right context. For example, a surgeon’s identity at an operating table must be that of a surgeon, not of a rugby player, libertarian, wine taster, Catholic, gay, sailing coach, trustee, sister, or any other identity that person may have in another context.

Identity’s multiple nature is fundamental to educational performance. People behave in ways that are identity-congruent rather than identity-incongruent. Schools should offer diversity in the identities associated with the school that children can connect to. This means more children can find a way to connect to the school and be connected to ways others see the world.

Learning is enhanced when group activities are more associated with cognitive development. For example, is a child’s most salient identity after school that associated with a rugby league team or a chess club?

However schools that seek to mould student identities to reflect religious, cultural or ethnic identities that exclude other identities will limit student prospects. If people look inwardly and narrowly they limit learning and intellectual stretch and as a result their cognitive development and memorisation abilities become constrained.

People learn not through rote and repetition but by being encouraged to think widely about what they are supposed to memorise. Fundamental to learning is memory and memory results from thinking about content. Memory is to a substantial extent the result of and residue from thought. Memories are recovered by cues, hence the value of mnemonic associations and of acrostic, music, rhyme and key word devices as cues to recall from the unconscious what is in the memory. The wider the learning and its interdisciplinary spread the more there will be in the memory and the more cues are available to recall what is memorised.

Group identities can see individuals with multiple identities typecast as belonging to one identity only. This can lead to stereotypying that threatens prospects in education, the employment market and life. Group identity can also risk affinity fraud by other members of the same group. Stigma associated with one of a person’s multiple identities can give rise to belonging uncertainty as people are sensitive to information diagnostic of the quality of their social connections.

Understanding which of someone’s multiple identities should be salient for the individual within a specific context is fundamental to people positively identifying with learning, and to avoiding stereotypical threats to people associated with one particular identity group which faces barriers.

Stereotypical threat occurs when a particular group identity an individual is associated with is treated negatively by others. This shapes how others perceive the individual, how the individual perceives herself, and this can constrain or enhance long-term achievement.

Stereotypical threats may emerge to ethnic minorities, women, and to people of certain ages or religious groups. Stereotypical threats might include a view that women are not suited to engineering or that Afro-Americans are better at basketball than maths. Stereotypical threat systematically reduces its victims’ achievement (Walton & Spencer, 2009).

Stereotypical threat undermines performance by taking up executive resources, through distraction, and probably through other mechanisms. Sexist or racist attitudes may also create tangible rather than purely psychological barriers to people reaching their full potential.   Some American evidence suggests that Afro-Americans and Hispanics may drop out of school partly because they accurately perceive the local labour market will not pay a premium for their education.

Reductions in stereotypical threat boost academic performance. However stereotypical threat cannot be countered effectively by exacerbating in-group intolerance to potential external “threats”, perceived or actual. Special religious or ethnic schools can risk signalling that students are problem children rather than requiring schools to support diversity. There is little evidence that same ethnicity teaching helps, though some limited evidence culture can matter in teaching (Arnold & Doctoroff, 2003).

Stereotypical threats can be countered through focusing on academic achievement-related identities rather than, for example, ethnic or cultural ones. Alternatively, when minorities see their academic future selves as consistent with their ethnic identity, students’ motivation will increase (Yeager & Walton, 2011).

Affirming important values, for example through writing short essays about what a person values about herself, can help people exposed to stereotypical threat do better academically.

Social belonging helps protect against stereotypical threat. Socio-belonging interventions have improved grades and school-related attitudes among Afro-American students and female engineering students in the US. If a person has a sense of belonging then setbacks may be negative but not diagnostic. For example, leading students to attribute worries about identity to difficulties of transition to a university, rather than being due to students’ identity, can bolster a sense of belonging (Yeager & Walton, 2011).

Concluding comments

The above propositions can focus future work on human capital development to enhance socio-economic outcomes in enduring ways.

Bibliography

Akerlof, G.; Kranton, R. 2010: Identity economics: how identities shape our work, wages and well-being. Princeton, New Jersey. Princeton University Press.

Akerlof, G.; Kranton, R. 2002: Identity and schooling: some lessons for the economics of education. Journal of Economic Literature 40 (4): 1167-1201.

Akerlof, G.; Kranton, R. 2000: Economics and identity. Quarterly Journal of Economics 115, 3.

Alexander et al 1994: When expectations work: Race and socioeconomic differences in school performance. Social Psychology Quarterly 57: 283-299.

Arnold, D; Doctoroff, G. 2003: The early education of socioeconomically disadvantaged children. Annual Review of Psychology 54: 517-45.

Austin-Smith, D.; Fryer, R. 2005: An economic analysis of “acting white”. Quarterly Journal of Economics 120 (2): 551-583.

Banerjee, A. Mullainathan, S: Limited Attention and Income Distribution. 2008 AEA Session “Psychology and Development: Theory and Experimental Evidence.”

Baumeister, R. et al 2005: Social exclusion impairs self-regulation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Vol 88 (4) 589-604.

Benjamin, D.; Choi, J.; Strickland, A. 2010: Social Identity and Preferences. American Economic Review 100 (4): 1913-1928.

Bisin, A.; Verdier, T. 2001: The economics of cultural transmission and the dynamics of preference. J. Econ. Theory 97(2), 298-319.

Black, S.; Devereux, P. 2011: Recent developments in intergenerational mobility. In D. Card and O. Ashenfelter (eds.) Handbook of Labor Economics Vol 4, Part B, Chapter 16, pp. 1487-1541. Amsterdam and New York: Elsevier.

Black, S.; Devereux, P.; Salvanes, K. 2003: Why the apple doesn’t fall far: understanding intergenerational transmission of human capital. NBER Working Paper 10066, November.

Blackwell, L.; Trzesniewski, K., Dweck, C. 2007: Implicit theories of intelligence predict achievement across an adolescent transition: a longitudinal study and an intervention. Child Development 78 (1): 246-263.

Blair, C.; Diamond, A. 2008: Biological processes in prevention and intervention: the promotion of self-regulation as a means of preventing school failure. Development and Psychopathology 20: 899-911.

Bowen, W.; Chingos, M.; McPherson, S. 2009: Crossing the finish line. Princeton, Princeton University Press.

Bynner, J. Paxton, W. 2001: The Asset Effect. London, Institute for Public Policy Research.

Brunello, G.; Weber, G.; Weiss, C. 2012: Books are forever: early life conditions, education and lifetime income. IZA Discussion Paper No. 6386.

Cadema, B.; Keys, B. 2014: Human capital and the lifetime costs of impatience. American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, forthcoming.

Caplan, Bryan 2011: Selfish reasons to have more kids: why being a great parent is less work and more fun than you think. New York, Basic Books.

Capron, C.; Duyme, M. 1989: Assessment of effects of socio-economic status on IQ in a full cross-fostering study. Nature, 340: 552-554.

Caspi, A., Wright, B.R., Moffitt, T.E., Silva, P.A. 1998: Early failure in the labor market: Childhood and adolescent predictors of unemployment in the transition to adulthood. American Sociological Review, 1998, 63(63), 424-451.

Chasnoff et al 1998: Prenatal exposure to cocaine and other drugs. Outcomes at four to six years. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 846: 314-328.

Chetty, R.; Friedman, J.; Rockoff, J, 2011: The long-term impacts of teachers: Teacher value-added and student outcomes in adulthood. NBER Working Paper 17699, National Bureau of Economic Research.

Clarke, J., Kim, B., Poulton, R., Milne, B.J. 2006: The role of low expectations in health and education investment and hazardous consumption. Canadian Journal of Economics, 2006, 39(39), 1151-1172.
Cole, S. et al 2012: Transcriptional modulation in the developing immune system.by early life social adversity. P.Nat. Acad. Sci USA. 109 (50) 20578-20583.

Cook, P. J et al 2014: The (surprising) efficacy of academic and behavioral intervention with disadvantaged youth: Results from a randomised experiment in Chicago. Working Paper 19862. NBER.

Cosmides, L.; Tooby, J. 1994: Evolutionary psychology and the invisible hand. AER Vol. 84, No 2 Papers and Proceedings, 327-332.

Cunha, F.; Heckman, J. 2009: The economics and psychology of inequality and human development. Journal of the European Economic Association. 7 (2-3): 320-364.

Cunha, F.; Heckman, J. 2008: Formulating, identifying and estimating the technology of cognitive and non-cognitive skill formation. J. Human Res. 43 (4) 738-782.

Currie & Moretti, 2002: Mothers’ education and the intergenerational transmission of human capital: Evidence from college openings and longitudinal data. NBER Working Paper No. 9360.

Cutler, D et al 2008: Socio-economic status and health: Dimensions and mechanisms. NBER working Paper 14333.

Davis, E.; & Sandman, C. 2010: The timing of prenatal exposure to maternal cortisol and psychosocial stress is associated with human infant cognitive development. Child Dev Jan 2010; 81(1): 131-148.

Deci, E. Ryan, R. 1985: Intrinsic motivation and self-determination in human behavior. New York, Penguin.

Dee, T. 2014: Stereotype threat and the student athlete. Economic Inquiry 52(1): 173-182.

De Soto, H. 2000: The Mystery of Capitalism: Why capitalism triumphs in the West and fails everywhere else. Basic Books.

Doyle, O.; Harmon, C.; Heckman, J.; Tremblay, R. 2009: Investing in early human development: Timing and economic efficiency. Economics and Human Biology 7 (2009) 1-6.

Duckworth, A. et al 2014: Self control in school-age children. Educational Psychologist 49(3): 199-217.

Duckworth, A. et al 2012: What no child left behind leaves behind: The roles of IQ and self-control in predicting standardized achievement test scores and report card grades. Journal of Educational Psychology 104 (2): 439-451.

Duckworth, A. et al 2011: Self-regulation strategies improve self-discipline in adolescents: benefits of mental contrasting and implementation intentions. Educational Psychology 31(1): 17-26.

Duckworth, A. Seligman, M 2005: Self-discipline outdoes IQ in predicting academic performance of adolescents. Psychological Science Vol. 16 Issue 12, pp. 939-944.

Duncan, G et al 2012: The importance of early childhood poverty. Social Indicators Research 108 (1): 87-98.

Duncan, G.; Murmane, R. (eds) 2011: Whither opportunity? Rising inequality, schools and childrens’ life chances. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

Dwerk, C.2006 Mindset: The new psychology of success. New York, Random House,

Evans & Kim 2007: Childhood poverty and health. Cumulative risk exposure and stress dysregulation. Psychological Science November 2007, Vol 18 No 11: 953-957.

Farah, M. 2009: Mind, Brain and Education in Socio-economic context. In Ferrari, M. and Vuletic, L. eds: The developmental relations between mind, brain and education. Dordrecht: Springer Science and Business.

Farah, M. et al 2006: Childhood poverty: specific associations with neurocognitive development. Brain Research 1110, 166-174.

Fergusson, D. et al 2008: The transmission of social inequality: Examination of the linkages between family socio-economic status in childhood and educational achievement in young adulthood. Research in Social Stratification Mobility. Vol 26, Issue 3, September 2008, 277-295.

Fernald, A.; Marchman, V.A.; Weisler, A. 2013: SES differences in language processing skill and vocabulary are evident at 18 months. Developmental Science 16 (2), 234-248.

Field, T. (ed) 1995: Touch in early development. Hillsdale, N. J. Erlbaum.

Gailliot, M. et al 2007: Self-control relies on glucose as a limited energy source: Willpower is more than a metaphor. Feb 2007: Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. Vol 92 (2), 325-336.

Gayle, G-L et al 2013: What accounts for the racial gap in time allocation and intergenerational transmission of human capital? Unpublished manuscript, Department of Economics, Washington University.

Gennaioli, N.;La Porta, R.; Lopez-de-Silanes, F.; Shleifer, A. 2011: Human capital and regional development. NBER Working Paper 17158.

Gibson, J. 2000: Sheepskin effects and the returns to education in New Zealand: do they differ by ethnic groups? New Zealand Economic Papers 34 (2), 201-220.

Gintler, D. Pollak, R 2004: Family structure and childrens’ educational outcomes: Blended families, stylised facts and descriptive regressions. Demography 41 (4). 671-696.

Glimcher, P.; Fehr, E. 2014: Neuroeconomics (2nd Edition), Academic Press, New York.

Gluckman, P. 2009: Growing old before you are born. Dialogue, Newsletter of the Liggins Institute.

Gluckman, P.; Hanson, M. 2006: Mismatch. Oxford University Press.

Greven et al 2009: More than just IQ: School achievement is predicted by self-perceived abilities – But for genetic rather than environmental reasons. Psychological Science Vol 20, Issue 6, 753-762.

Gunnar, M.; Quevedo, K. 2007: The neurobiology of stress and development. In S Fiske (Ed.) Annual Review of Psychology, 58, 145-174.

Hackman, D., Farah, M 2009: Socio-economic status and the developing brain. Trends Cogn Sci 2009, February. 13 (2): 65-73.

Hancox, R. J. , Milne, B.J., Poulton, R. 2005: Association of television viewing during childhood with poor educational achievement. Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine, 2005, 159(159), 614-618.

Harris, J. R. 2009: The Nurture Assumption: Why children turn out the way they do. New York, NY: Free Press.

Heckman, J.; Kautz, T. 2012: Hard evidence on soft skills. Lab. Econ. 19(4) 451-464.

Heckman & Masterov 2007: The productivity argument for investing in young children. NBER Working Paper No 13016.

Heckman, J.; Mosso, S. 2014: The economics of human development and social mobility. NBER Working Paper 19925.

Hirsch, E. City 2013. A Wealth of Words. City Journal Winter 2013.

Hotz, V.; Pantano, J. 2013: Strategic parenting, birth order and school performance. NBER Working paper 19542.

Hoxby, C.; Avery, C. 2013: The missing “one offs”: the hidden supply of high achieving, low income students. Brookings Papers on Economic Activity.

Hoxby, C.; Turner, S. 2013: Expanding college opportunities for high achieving, low income students. SIEPR Discussion Paper 12-014, Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research.

Inzlicht, M. 2006: Stigma as ego depletion. Psychological Science Vol 17, Issue 3. 262-269.

Job, V.; Walton, G.; Bernecker, K.; Dweck, C. 2013a: Implicit theories about willpower predict self-regulation and grades in everyday life. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, in press.

Job, V.; Walton, G.; Bernecker, K.; Dweck, C. 2013b: Beliefs about willpower determine the impact of glucose on self-control. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 110(37), 14837-14842.

Kalil, A.; Ryan R.; Corey, M. 2012: Diverging destinies: maternal education and the developmental gradient in time with children. Demography 49 (4), 1361-1383.

Kamins, M.; Dweck, C. 1999: Person versus process praise and criticism: implications for contingent self-worth and coping. Development Psychology 35: 835-47.

Knudsen, E. Heckman, J.; Cameron, J.; Shonkoff, J. 2006: Economic, neurological, and behavioural perspectives on building America’s future workforce. PNAS July 2006: 10155-10162.

Koch, A., Nafziger, J.; Nielson, H. 2014: Behavioral Economics of Education. Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization, forthcoming.

Kraus, M.; Keltner, D. 2009: Signs of socio-economic status: a thin-slicing approach. Psychological Science, 20, 99-106.

Kraus, M.; Piff, P.; KEltner, D. 2009: Social class, sense of control and social explanation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. Vol 97 (6) December 2009: 992-1004.

Lareau, A 2011: Unequal childhoods: Class, Race and Family Life. (2nd ed). University of California Press.

Lareau, A., Cox, A. Social class and the transition to adulthood: Differences in parents’ interactions with institutions. In M. J. Carlson and P. England (eds): Social class and changing families in an unequal America. pp 134-164. Stanford University Press.

Lawson, D. et al 2013: Associations between children’s socio-economic status and pre-frontal cortical thickness. Developmental Science (2013) pp 1-12.

Lee, S. Y. l.; Seshadri, A. 2014: On the intergenerational transmission of economic status. Unpublished manuscript, University of Wisconsin-Madison. Department of Economics.

Lynch, R.; Oakford, P. 2014: The economic benefits of closing educational achievement gaps. Centre for American Progress.

Mangels, J. et al 2012: Emotion blocks the path to learning under stereotype threat. Soc Cogn Affect Neurosci 7 (2): 230-241.

Mani, A et al 2013: Poverty impedes cognitive function. Science 30 August 2013 Vol 341 no 6149 pp. 976-980.

Marie, D. et al 2008: Educational achievement in Maori: the roles of cultural identity and social disadvantage. Australian Journal of Education, Vol. 52, No. 2: 183-196.

McGee, R.; Williams, S.M. , Howden-Chapman, P. , Martin, J. , Kawachi, I. 2006: Participation in clubs and groups from childhood to adolescence and its effects on attachment and self-esteem. Journal of Adolescence, 2006, 29(29), 1-17.

Meghir, C. et al 2013: Education, cognition and health: evidence from a social experiment. NBER Working Paper 19002, National Bureau of Economic Research.

Melchior, M.; Moffitt, T. E. , Milne, B.J., Poulton, R., Caspi, A. 2007: Why do children from socioeconomically disadvantaged families suffer from poor health when they reach adulthood? A lifecourse study. American Journal of Epidemiology, 2007, 166(166), 966-974.

Moffitt, T.E., Arseneault, L. , Belsky, D.W., Dickson, N., Hancox, R. J. , Harrington, H. L., Houts, R., Poulton, R. , Roberts, B.W., Ross, S., Sears, M.R., Thomson, W. M. Caspi, A. 2011: A gradient of childhood self-control predicts health, wealth, and public safety. PNAS (Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the USA), 2011, 108(108): 2693-2698.

 

Mullainathan, S.; Shafir, E. 2013: Scarcity: Why having too little means so much. New York, Times Books.

Noble, K.; McCandliss, B.; Farah, M. 2007: Socioeconomic gradients predict individual differences in neurocognitive abilities. Developmental Science 10: 4, pp 464-480.

Ogbu, J. 2003: Black American students in an affluent suburb: A study of academic disengagement. Lawrence Erlbaum Publishers.

Olsson, C.A., McGee, R., Nada-Raja, S. , Williams, S.M. 2012: A 32 year longitudinal study of child and adolescent pathways to well-being in adulthood. Journal of happiness studies. Vol 14, No 3: 1069-1083.

Oreopoulus, P. et al 2013: Pathways to education: an integrated approach to helping at-risk high school students. NBER Working Paper 201430 National Bureau of Economic Research.

Oreopoulus, P.; Salvanes, K. 2011: Priceless: the non-pecuniary benefits of schooling. Journal of Economic Perspectives 25(1): 159-184.

Oyserman, D.; Destin, M. 2010: Identity-based motivation: Implications for intervention. The Counseling Psychologist 38 (7) 1001-1043.

Petersen et al 2012: Who deserves help? Evolutionary Psychology , Social Emotions and public opinion about welfare. Political Psychology Vo. 33. No. 3, pp 395-418.

Reeves, R.; Howard, K. 2013: The parenting gap. Center on children and families. at Brookings.

Reyna, V. et al (Eds): The adolescent brain: learning, reasoning and decision making. Washington DC: American Psychological Association.

Rouse, C, 2007: “The labor market consequences of an inadequate education” in The Price we Pay: the economic and political consequences of inadequate education. Edited by Clive Belfeld and Henry Levin, Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press.

Ryan, R.; Deci, E. 2000: Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development and well-being. American Psychologist. Vol 55, No 1, 68-78.

Scott-Clayton, J. 2011: The Shapeless River: Does a lack of structure inhibit students’ progress at community colleges? CCRC Working Paper No 25, Community College Research Center.

Sen, A. 2006: Identity and violence. New York, W.W. Norton Books.

Sen, A. 1993: Capability and well-being. In M. Nussbaum and A. Sen, eds., The Quality of Life, 30-53. Oxford, Clarendon Press.

Sirin, S. 2005: Socioeconomic status and academic achievement: a meta-analytical review of research. Review of Educational Research 75(3): 417-453.

Smiley, P.; Dweck, C. 1994: Individual differences in achievement goals among young children. Child Development 65: 1723-43.

Steele, C. 1997: A threat in the air: how stereotypes shape intellectual identity and preference. American Psychologist 52(6): 613-629.

Steele, C.; Aronson, J 1995: Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African-Americans. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 69(5): 797-811.

Todd, P; Wolpin, K. 2007: The production of cognitive achievement in children: Home, school and racial test score gaps. Journal of Human Capital (1): 91-136.

Tough, P. How children succeed: Grit, curiosity, and the hidden power of character. New York, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.

Tough, P. 2014: Who gets to graduate? The New York Times Magazine. 15 May 2014.

Trzesniewski, K. H. , Donnellan, M. B. , Moffitt, T. E. , Robins, R. W. , Poulton, R. , Caspi, A. 2006 Low self-esteem during adolescence predicts poor health, criminal behavior, and limited economic prospects during adulthood. Developmental Psychology, 2006, 42(42), 381-90.

Waldfogel, J.; Washbrook, E. 2011: “Income-related gaps in school readiness in the United States and the United Kingdom.“ In Persistence, privilege and parenting: The Comparative study of Intergenerational Mobility, edited by Timothy Smeeding, Robert Erikson, and Markus Jantt. 175-208. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

Walton, G. 2014: The new science of wise psychological interventions. Psychological Science. Vol. 23(1) 73-82.

Walton, G. et al. 2007: A question of belonging: Race, social fit and achievement. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. Vol 92, (1) Jan 2007, 82-96.

Walton, G.; Spencer, Steven. 2009: Latent Ability. Grades and test scores systematically underestimate the intellectual ability of negatively stereotyped students. Psychological Science. Vol 20, No. 9. pp 1132-1139.

Williams, L.; Destono, D. 2008: Pride and perseverance: the motivational role of pride. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Vol 94 (6) June 2008 pp. 1007-1017.

Wilkinson, R. Pickett, K. 2009: Spirit Level. Why more equal societies almost always do better. London, Allen Lane.

Winship, S.; Owen, S. 2013: Guide to the Brookings Social Genome Model. Washington DC: The Brookings Institution.

Wolf A. 2002: Does Education Matter? Myths about education and economic growth. Penguin Books.

Yeager, D.; Walton, G. 2011: Social-psychological interventions in education: they’re not magic. Review of Educational Research Vol 81, No 2 pp. 267-301.

Yeager, D.; Walton, G.; Cohen, G. 2013: Addressing achievement gaps with psychological interventions. Kappan February 2013. pp 62-65.

Zhan, M.; Sherraden, M. 1996: Effects of assets on attitudes and behaviors: Advance test of a social policy proposal. Social Work Research 20 (1), 3-11.

Zhou, X; Sedikides, C.; Wildchut, T.; Gao, D-G. 2008: Counteracting loneliness: on the restorative function of nostalgia. Psychological Science. Vol 19, Issue 10, pp 1023-1029.

 

Posted in Papers | Tagged , , | 2 Comments

Essays on Management: Self-management

“Dreams come true if you want them to, and if you want them to it is up to you.”

The lightning tree

Self-management can underpin a high degree of self-realisation and self-determination in a job. It requires the ability to manage oneself in relation to others and the wider organisational context, and when this is mastered one has high autonomy. The combination of autonomy, competence and relatedness delivers a high degree of self-determination. This in turn enables you to move from survival to higher forms of self-realisation. Income and its net worth concomitant is therefore a priority threshold which, once achieved, allows you to focus on working for daily meaning not just daily bread.
Self-management in a job involves skills and behaviours contributing to both individual and organisational objectives. Self-management is not asocial autonomy and a license to do what you like. Rather it involves autonomy grounded in competence, in contribution to others, and in professionalism.

Professionalism involves relatedness to others. It is behaviour that cannot be captured in formal rules but which contributes to organisational purposes. It is unprofessional for example to make someone look foolish in front of an external audience, even though there may be no formal rules against it. Professionalism depends on the tacit mandates people give each other.
The most important self-management ability is good manners, and more broadly the ability to work with others. Work is an inherently social phenomenon. Almost no-one works alone effectively. If you can’t collaborate and work with people and get the best from them then you will fail – and no amount of mathematical qualifications, rote learning or computer skills will help you.

You will meet lots of rude and obnoxious people in your life – always treat them better than they treat you. Always recognise you are part of a team and this should be reflected in “we” language not “I” Ianguage. It is possible to play a team game in ways psychologically equivalent to working for yourself.
Important elements in self-management are self-analysis, and deciding what you want to do in your life. Self-analysis is hard to do but repays the effort. It involves systematic questions that answered create value through behavioural change. What are my strengths? What are my values? What am I interested in? What am I good at? Am I an orchid who thrives best in a specialised hothouse environment, or a dandelion that survives in many different environments? What is my contribution, and what part of it is unique or at least unusual?

Self-awareness means knowing when you are stressed or exposed to health risks, knowing when to bend rather than break. It can also mean turning stress to your advantage. Moments of depression can force you to reflect on things, and to change. Sometimes it helps to write down all the good things you have done and all the things you do well.
You might also ask yourself what your weaknesses are. There are some minimum threshold competencies needed in the workplace, such as literacy, numeracy and foundational computer skills. If you lack these, you must develop them.

However you should not try to be good at everything or spend too much time addressing your minor weaknesses. Instead you should primarily focus on your strengths and abilities and therefore nullify your weaknesses.

Ability is a duty as well as a property right. It is developed rather than gifted. If you are making your talents and abilities productive you are doing your duty to society and yourself, and a side effect of this is you will be successful in your chosen field, including creating property rights in it.
You should decide what kind of life you want and then choose a job that will support this. What life you want to lead is more important than what job you want to do, for the latter is a subset of the former.

You should cast around for a job as if all you’d done previously was prepare for that job. Go for what you want to do rather than keep lots of options open. It is best to be a master of one trade than a jack of all, however you need to have the cross-cutting skills to adapt to change. You need to decide what kind of work environment will best develop you. The mysteries of the trade you have chosen are in the air so you need to breathe the right air.

Having decided on the work environment in which you are likely to flourish, for any specific job it is important to ask, is it socially useful, will I be interested, and can I succeed in this job?

It is important to check out who your manager will be before accepting a job. That person needs to be on the interviewing panel, and it is risky to take a job without having pinned down who you will report to. Organisations should provide to candidates detailed resumes of managers when recruiting new staff so people can know who they are reporting to. This would avoid unpleasant surprises when people end up badly matched. You should report to only one manager as multiple reporting lines often lead to ambiguity, conflict, and your work being misinterpreted or undervalued.

Once you are in a new job, how should you approach it? You must firstly direct your efforts to the organisational purpose. Ask what the job requires, don’t just keep doing what got you the job in the first place. You must then focus on this and not be distracted. Any worthwhile job requires your utmost attention. A mental discipline is to focus entirely on your current job as if it is the only one you will ever do. Treating a job as a stepping stone elsewhere means concentration will waver and much learning will be ephemeral rather than deeply embedded.

Self-regulation is central to work performance and it requires sustained focus. Focus means concentrating on some things and dropping others. It can mean delegation. John D. Rockerfeller’s delegation philosophy was “…nobody does anything if he can get anybody else to do it.”

You must be self-aware in your new job and continuously learning. It is important to search for the enduring learning from an event or a job. In a new job you must share your learning selflessly, rather than treat it as a competitive advantage.

If you know you can succeed in a job you will be filled with well-grounded self-confidence. A combination of fear, self-awareness and seeing things from a fresh perspective can underpin self-belief and confidence. You should welcome moments of fear or inadequacy because this can be motivating and helps you focus. When you then start to perform well in the job you can forget about fear because it has done its job in focusing your mind and making you productive.

In the early stages of a job it is important to define the desired external results and the outputs to deliver, and also to recognise that management focus may depart from that. It can mean keeping two narratives in your head at the same time. One is the ideal of what you think you are working for and should try to achieve. The other is the one you may need to follow to survive. In the short term the two should influence each other, in the medium term they should be brought into harmony, and over the longer haul the first should prevail.

Working in any job requires conformance to what others expect. If you own your own business you must still conform to what your customers want. This does not mean you cannot be yourself, however it does means you have to fit within the rules and build up credibility to earn the right to suggest how rules might change. Over time, and as you carve out a unique contribution within an organisation, it is possible to play the team game in ways as satisfying as working for yourself.

Once established in a job you can start to observe whether it is a good place to work in the longer term. This can involve a series of questions you can ask yourself. Are you respected as a person? Are you given the tools to do the job? Do people notice what you are achieving? Is the organisation interested in the wider skills and knowledge you may have? Have you been asked what you have done in the past, what hobbies you have, what languages you speak, and has the organisation attempted to harness these in the job where it can?

An important part of self-management is management upwards. This is challenging when managers, politicians, board members and top academics lack self-awareness or any sense of humility. “Great man syndrome” occurs when someone achieves pre-eminently in one field and then decides he is an expert in other (and sometimes in all) fields. Knut Hamsun won a Nobel prize in literature before deciding he was a great philosopher and political scientist, leading to him writing an obituary for Adolf Hitler described him as a “warrior for mankind”.

People of true excellence in any field seldom find a need to talk about it. When faced with self-puffery in others an important skill is to feign subservience or awe (while still enjoying a private laugh to yourself).

Managing your manager is critical to his or her own as well as your performance. The key priority must be to make the boss effective. This means ensuring managers look good in the eyes of their own manager. It is important to establish how managers learn and what troubles them.

Never underrate your manager and never tell her what she may want to hear. It is important to tell the truth, even though it may be uncomfortable. Be prepared to ask lots of questions, be a sounding board, challenge any complacent thinking, and once a decision is made it needs to be supported.

You will very likely have differences with your manager, however never bad mouth your manager, team or organisation. Your manager will feel as vulnerable as you and will sometimes get things wrong. Always support your organisation and the purposes it is working for. If you feel your organisation is dysfunctional or working for the wrong purposes, try and reform it within. If that’s not possible, leave rather than get bitter and cynical. This calls for a balancing act where you should both give yourself to your job and also be prepared to leave, in the sense of having the capabilities to move elsewhere if need be.

It is important to remain visible. Sometimes the least effective people have high busyness and visibility yet their contribution to external results may be negligible. Some key workers perceived as plodders may be most effective, however their invisibility is risky for them. No matter how important your work is, what is invisible will not be valued. You are only as good as your last game, and this must have be seen.

Once you have made some progress in a new job it is important to seek feedback on performance. In the old Mafioso expression, “keep your friends close to you and your enemies even closer.” If you need to nominate people for 360 degree feed-back choose those you consider actual or potential enemies. This means you discover where your vulnerabilities might be, as perceived by others. You will commonly find your “enemies” may not be so hostile after all, and may teach you some positive things about yourself. You might even describe them as “friendenemies” – friends and enemies.

Once you are well established in a job you must think carefully about how it relates to your identity. Never conflate your work and your personal identity. People have multiple identities and shift between them, adopting the identity that is most relevant to a specific context. People’s multiple identities mean they have overlapping interests with others, who in turn have different identities in other dimensions. Specific salient identities may be irrelevant in markets. Hindus and Muslims have a different world view, yet they still buy the same smartphones. It is important to choose which identity should dominate your self-management and others’ perception of you in different contexts.

In the workplace it is your work identity that must be salient and other identities need to be in the background. Don’t treat your job as an extension of your family or your social life. You should not try and be the life of the party when at work, nor should you be work-obsessed when partying or on holiday.

A private organisation may often be a product of the conflation of an individual or family’s identity with the organisation. Angus Tait created Tait Communications as an act of existential purpose and it outlives him. If you are an entrepreneur or run your own business you may choose to conflate your identity or self-esteem with a job. Your performance commitment might be enhanced by this. However your ability to deliver on those commitments may be reduced since you will not be able to see from outside your business, nor will you have much ability to radically change how you perceive and therefore manage your business.

Some who conflate their job or business with their identity can stifle new people and they often dread retirement or redundancy because their world would be empty. People need meaningful outside interests and outside self-identity. Your worth should depend on who you are in the wider sense, rather than what you do. Many Maori understand this full well. It is possible to be an iwi leader and also work in a humble job that is routinised and does not permit much discretion, let alone leadership.

It is damaging to society when individuals win positional authority confuse their jobs with their self-identity. In modern times, most people from the Prime Minister down have to accept that at some stage they will be sacked or removed from a job by voters, employers or customers. Even if they survive these events, father time will catch up because ageing is the one thing no one can escape. When a chief executive acts as if he is bigger than his organisation it is time for him to leave. If a chief executive is “not replaceable” it means he has done critical damage to “his” organisation’s future sustainability. When anyone conflates identity fully with the job his life can be gone when that job disappears for reasons beyond his control.

For any employee, especially more vulnerable ones, a parallel or alternative career, or multiple identities in which they have standing is critical for psychic buffering. If things go wrong you still have standing outside work, and perhaps even an alternative career. It is possible to create the option of turning a hobby into a career.

Self-management requires time management. Time devoted to one task cannot be devoted to another and so focus is needed to get the best out of time. While it is possible to ramp up energy levels to meet a challenge, time cannot be created out of nothing. It cannot be stored up like gold coins or reciprocated favours. It cannot be replaced with other resources. The arrow of time moves only in one direction and once lost it can never be regained. Time therefore must be managed and time management is a discipline that can be imposed externally but is best self-generated.

Killers of productive time include frivolous email, internet or social media use, unnecessary or lengthy meetings, and discursive, unfocused discussions. Multi-tasking works for foxes but not for hedgehogs. If you prefer to do one thing at a time, when you finish writing something at the end of the day leave a sentence half-finished so you can get back into it next day without wasting time in “cognitive switching”.

By far the worse destroyer of time and of value is poor project inception, weak task assignment and unsystematic project execution, leading to poorly directed work, waste and rework.

For some people, working from home is effective, and thinking at home or outside work is often valuable. However working from home is a poor substitute for effective time management during the working day. Managing time means setting bounds around it in ways recognising its scarcity and its inelasticity.

Time management requires integration of otherwise fragmented time, and effective structure around it. It requires external disciplines whether factory whistles, deadlines, and challenging oneself to get as much done as possible within constraints. If you are sitting an exam, don’t think you started with 100% and will lose marks with every mistake. Think of yourself starting with nothing and earning marks with everything you do.

Once disciplines are in place, time management can involve an easy pace, structure, system and method, and work can be steady not feverish. Being frugal with time can mean micro-improvements allowing tiny time-saving to accumulate into valuable chunks of time. An example is through better writing that communicates crisply and succinctly, saving people small amounts of time that cumulatively matter.

Work will involve conflict. Whenever it occurs de-escalate as quickly as possible. You should also reflect on whether your position is the right one. If you are pointing the finger at someone else you may be pointing at yourself. People’s behaviour should be separated from their individual identity. You must always protect the inviolable dignity of the other person, and if you have to defeat them you must give them “a golden bridge home”. This does not mean actively helping those behaving badly, or saving the bacon of those whose bacon ought not be saved. Withdrawal of your support from those undeserving is a meaningful sanction without maliciousness. It is like Ajax in the underworld turning his back on Odysseus who cheated him out of his armour.

It is important to be realistic about your job without being cynical. People who give too much to a job are often hiding problems in their lives and are not especially productive. The most difficult people at work often have unhappy home lives. You have nothing to prove at work if you are happy at home.

Work is social but not a shallow form of socialising. Homo sapiens are a highly invasive, weedy species, however they are also a social species. When brilliant people fail to fulfil their potential it is typically because of poor manners or low emotional or social intelligence, and sometimes all these. However, social intelligence can be used for malicious purposes. Hitler, Stalin and any number of paedophiles and conmen had extraordinary social intelligence, while many “nerds” are quite gentle creatures who would be kind to others, were they to notice their existence.

Metaphorically, work is flatting together and cooperating for five days a week – it is not a marriage. It is also a relationship that will end in dissolution at some stage, and is not till death us do part.

Posted in Essays on Management | Tagged , , , , | Leave a comment